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■^6 2. a t U,2, 1/ 

^arbartr Collese Itttracs 


I>eicendantB of Henry Brieht,jr,, who died at Water- 
town, Ma^B., in 1^36. nreenUlled to hold idiolanhlpi in 
Har.ard College, EBUbllshed ill iSSo under the wTri of 

of Waltham, Mass.. wiih one half the income of this 

eligible to Che scholarships. The nill requires that 
this announcemenl shall be made in every book added 

teceivsd .- A..sV...5., IR Q..A. 

Tille-page of tie Wolfegg Ptolemy Manuscript. 

(Vi the actual siio, i. e. >l, scale) 


i^ije gisrntoks at 
^\jz ^axumtn in America 

initb apmal r£latinn tn tljeir 
£arlj tartngrapljiral 


Professor of Geognipliy Jesuit Collie Feldkirch Austria 

iStmslattb ftotn tl^e <&ttman 
By basil H. SOULSBY B.A. 

Superintendent of the Map Room British Museum 
Hon. Sec. of the Hakluyl Society 



39 Great Russell Street over against the South-West 

Corner of the British Museum 

st. louis : b. herder 1 7 south broadway 


Bibliographia, quasi stillae de arbore 

scientiae manantes collectae et 

ad conservandum asportatae. 



She " Antiquitates Americans," that epoch-) 
\ making work by Carl Chr. Rafn (1837), 
has now for over sixty years enjoyed a 
decided influence in the answer to the 
question — " What did the Norsemen dis- 
/er in America ? " 
Rafn seemed to have a complete mastery of all the 
Norse literature bearing on the subject, and it is quite 
intelligible that many peculiar dicia should have been 
accepted, merely on his authority, though subsequent in- 
vestigations have proved them unsound. The followers of 
Rafn were numerous and uncritical, and went much further 
than their master. Some of the arguments, which he 
employed merely as a secondary support to his theories, 
were twisted by them and described as incontestable and 
indisputable evidence.^ Such a breach of all laws of criticism 
did not fail to arouse a storm of opposition. The pseudo- 
authority claimed for the alleged Runic inscription on the 
Dighton Rock drove Bancroft into an exa^erated opposition \ 
of cynical scepticism, or, rather, total disbelief in the dis- ( 
.covery of America by the Norsemen.* Since the time of 
Bancroft there has been a large party of almost too eager 
partisans of Rafn, as well as a strong opposition, of whom 
Justin Winsor has been the most distinguished leader.^ 

(i) c/. Sophus Ruge, "Die Weinlandsfahrten" p. 9. 

(a) cf. E. Loeffier, " The Vineland- Excursions" 1884, p. 73, n. 32. 
■,G. Bancroft, " History of the United Stales," voL I. c. I. 

(3) J. Winsor, " Historjy of America^' I. 66, sqq., 87; II. 33. 

There is also a characteristic cut in the illustrated description of the 
historical collection in the World's Fair at Chicago, according to which 
the claim of the Normans to have discovered America " rests entirely 


In Germany, France and England, the experts were as 
diametrically opposed as in America. It required a Heinrici 
to out-Herod Horsford*s wildest claims, in the literary 
supplement to the Allgemeine Zeitung (Munich), of April 12, 
1892, and yet even Bancroft finds a rival for scepticism in 
Professor Gelcich, when he writes : " News had reached 
Iceland that in the south or south-west, it was not quite 
certain which, was situated a Vine-land (Spain !), where the 
sailor passed by wondrous cliffs (Fingal's Cave !), and in 
Ireland white-robed priests led processions with banners 
flying, etc,^ etc. This was all jumbled up in a legend dating 
from voyages to Helluland and Wineland." ^ 

Such were the conflicting views eight years ago, when 
Hofrath Dr. von Wieser induced the author to make further 
inquiry into the discoveries of the Norsemen in America. 

The author undertook the task with considerable reluc- 
tance, but he found such material assistance in the learned 
works of G. Storm and A. M. Reeves, that only one year 
had elapsed before Dr. von Wieser considered the result 
worth printing. But then so many questions arose, espec- 
ially as to the maps of the Norsemen's discoveries, which 
necessitated a thorough examination of ancient archives, 
that I deferred publication year after year, and, perhaps, 
should never have come to publication, had nqt Dr. von 
Wieser spurred me on by providing me with the newest 
literature on the subject, and by opening to me all the store 
of his library, as rich in geography as in history. The 
author would here express his deep sense of gratitude, not 
only to his highly esteemed patron and master. Dr. von 
Wieser, but also to Professor Dr. Gustav Storm, of Christiana, 
whose courtesy in answering all questions was only equalled 
by his kindness in presenting to the author his works, both 
large and small, which were those of a giant and pioneer 
in research. In the translation of the Scandinavian works 
of Storm and J6nsson Finnur, etc,^ I am much indebted to 
my colleague in the Society of Jesus, Father H. Klene. I 

upon tradition, poetic legends, and some slight circumstantial evidence." 
W. Curtis : " The Relics of Columhus^ Souvenir of La Rabida^ World's 
Columbian Exposition, an Illustrated description of the historical coU 
lection" {Washington, 1893), p. 7. 

(i) GelCich, Materialien, p. 104. 


must not forget to mention the esteemed librarian of the 
Vatican, Father Francis Ehrle, SJ., who took so much 
interest in my researches and assisted me both verbally 
and by letter. It is to him that I owe the four important 
maps of Greenland {Plates L to IV) from the two hitherto 
unknown Vatican Ptolemy MSS., by Donnus Nicolaus 
Germanus. I must also thank Father H. Hafner, SJ., who 
kindly consented to search for Ptolemy MSS. in Wolfegg 
Castle, belonging to Prince Waldburg-Wolfegg, and was 
fortunate enough to discover a valuable MS. by Donnus 
Nicolaus Germanus, whose maps of Greenland {Plates V, 
and VI,) corresponded to those of the Ulm editions of 
Ptolemy of 1482 and i486. I paid a visit to Wolfegg Castle 
to determine the relation between the Wolfegg MS. and the 
printed Ulm editions. I met with the best possible reception. 
I was able to identify the Wolfegg MS. as the prototype of 
the Ulm editions. Last, but not least, came a most im- 
portant discovery : the long lost large World Map and 
"Carta Marina" of the cartographer, Martin Waldseemiiller 
(Ilacomilus), 1507 and 1516, covering some 24 large folio 
sheets. This lucky discovery was remarkable, if only for its 
bearing on the njaps of the discoveries made by the Norse 
men {Plates VII, and VIII,)^ as well as on their relation 
to the later discoveries of Columbus and his successors. 
It has still greater consequences as regards the repre- 
sentation of the discoveries of Columbus and Amerigo 
Vespucci. The long lost first map of America of 1507 has 
at last been unearthed, and with the equally important 
"Carta Marina" of 1516, helps to mark an epoch in carto- 
graphy, which will be more apparent when these two maps 
are reproduced in facsimile. 

The author and his co-workers, Father A. Manganotti, 
S.J., of Modena, and Father Joseph Richard, S.J., of Nancy, 
are greatly indebted for the elucidation of many knotty 
points to the librarians and archivists of the libraries of 
Brussels, Florence, Innsbruck, Modena, Munich, Nancy, Paris, 
Rome, and Wolfegg. 

Where I have formed my conclusions on the basis of the 
researches of G. Storm, A. M. Reeves, D. Bruun, J6nsson 
Finnur, Baron A. E. Nordenskiold, etc., I have endeavoured 

viii PREFACE. 

to refer to original authorities, and to bring forward fresh 
arguments to support accepted conclusions. It has also 
been my aim to make more accessible to general circles the 
discoveries of Scandinavian savants, — discoveries not so 
widely known in Germany as they deserve — e.g. the re- 
markable excavations in Greenland, of the highest value to 
ethnography (cf. Plates IX. and X., for permission to repro- 
duce which I am indebted to " The Danish Commission on 
Research in Greenland.") 

As for my laborious researches into the personality and 
the works of my countryman, Donnus Nicolaus Germanus, 
I hope I may inspire others to inquire further into the life 
of this eminent cartographer. 

The Author. 


Preface --.-... v 

Bibliography ------- xi 

Chapter I. The earliest accounts (nth and 12th centuries) 

of the discoveries of the Norsemen in America - - i 

Chapter II. More detailed accounts (13th and 14th cen- 
turies) of the discovery of the Norsemen in America - 1 1 
Chapter III. The development of the Norse colony in 

Greenland --.... 20 

Chapter IV. The latest authenticated account of the fate of 

the Norse colonies in America - ■ - -41 

Chapter V. Description and representation of the discoveries 
of the Norsemen in America. The Cosmographers, 
Claudius Clavus, Donnus Nicolaus German us, and 
Martin Waldseemiiller ----- 56 

Appendices - ■ - - - - - 108 

Index - - - - - - - 124 

Colophon - - - - - - 131 




. Title-page of the Wolfegg Ptolemy Manuscript 

Greenland on the Map of the World by Donnus Nicolaus 

Germanus (after 1466). 
Greenland on the Map of the Northern Regions by Donnus 

Nicolaus Germanus (after 1466). 
Greenland on the Map of the World by Donnus Nicolaus 

Germanus (about 1474). 
Greenland on the Map of the Northern Regions by Donnus 

Nicolaus Germanus (about 1474). 
Map of the World by Donnus Nicolaus Germanus showing 

Greenland (before 1482). 
Greenland on the Map of the Northern Regions by Donnus 

Nicolaus Germanus (before 1482). 
Second sheet of Waldseem tiller's Map of the World, 15071 

showing Greenland {a) on the inset map ; {i) on the maiit 

Greenland on Waldseemiiller's "Carta Marina," 1516. 
Eastern Settlement of the Norsemen in S.W. Greenland. 
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^be Sarliest Hccouittd (Utb S. I2tb Centuries) 

of tbe HWscoperies of tbe Horsemen 

in Hmerica. 

lUR earliest notice in manuscripts of the dis- 
1 coverjes of the Norsemen in America comes 
I to us from a German, Adam of Bremen.^ 
He was the first trustworthy historian of 
the Arctic regions, but his origin and the 
I date of his death are alike wrapped in 
mystery. We only know that about 1067 he came to 
Bremen as Canon under Archbishop Adalbert (1043-1072), 
and began to investigate with great ardour the history of 
the northern regions. 

The spot was most suitable. Bremen, "the Rome of the 
North," was indefatigable in missionary efforts, and formed a 
very good starting-point for missions travelling to Norway 
and Sweden, or to Iceland and Greenland. 

(i) For an account of Adam of Bremen, «« A. Bernard; "De Adamo 
Bremensi geographo^' 1895. Bernard rightly only conjectures that Adam 
was bom in Meissen, See aJso S. Gijnther ; ^^ Adam von Bremen" 1894 ; 
Lappenberg, " Von den Quellen, Handschriften und Bearbeitungen des 
Adam von Bremen," (archiv fiir altera deutsche Geschichte, VI, 766, 
sqq.) ; G. Storm, " Studier over Vinlandsreiserne," 1888, pp. 7, sqq, 
A. M. Reeves, " Th^ Finding 0/ Wineland the Good," 1890, pp. 92, sqq, 
Justin Winsor, "Narrative and critical History of America^' 1885-0 
Winsor does not treat the reports of Adam with sufficient respect 


But the learned master of the Cathedral school^ was 
not satisfied with the riches of the Cathedral library, the 
valuable archives of the Bremen churches, or the reports 
of the hundreds of foreigners who came from all the islands 
far and near. 

Adam of Bremen wanted knowledge fresher from the 
fountain-head, and went on a visit to the King of Denmark, 
Sven Estrithson, " in whose memory was engraved as on a 
tablet the whole history of the barbarians [the Scandinavian 
races],"^ and King Sven supplied his visitor with such 
detailed and such satisfactory explanations, that Adam of 
Bremen always regarded the monarch as his main authority. 

We are most concerned with the fourth book of the 
" Gesta Hammaburgensis ecclesiae pontificum," or the deeds 
of the Bishops of the Church of Hamburg, which describes 
the Arctic regions under the title : " Description of the Islands 
of the North {Descriptio Insularum Aguilonis)^ These 
reports entitle Adam to claim to have truly laid the corner- 
stone of a history of the Baltic nations, and established a 
certain and lasting test for unfounded rumours and the 
contents of Scandinavian sagas and romances. All scientific 
research can be traced back to his initiative, and his authority 
has stood very high from the beginning.^ 

As to the discoveries of the Norsemen in America, Adam 
of Bremen was only acquainted with Greenland and Wine- 
land. He describes Greenland as an island in the Arctic 
Ocean, about the same distance from Norway as Iceland 
(five to seven days). He had curious ideas about the 
inhabitants, and thought the country took its name from the 
colour of their skin. But yet he knew that Christianity had 
penetrated to their island.^ Adam mentions an episcopal 
letter issued by Archbishop Adalbert, shortly after his 

(i) Adam of Bremen is so entitled in a charter of 1069. 

(2) Adamus Bremensis, ^^Gesta Hammaburgensis ecclesiae pontificuin^^ 

(3) See Wattenbach, ^^ Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen im Mittelalter^^ 
II p. 81 (6th edition). Weinhold, in his essay, " Uberdie Polargegenden 
Europas nach den Vorstellungen des Mittelalters " (Sitzungsberichte der 
phil. histor. Klasse der Wiener Akademie, LXVIIII, pp. 783, sqq.), 
Vienna^ 1871, agrees with Wattenbach in his estimate of Adam as an 
historical authority, but not when, as a learned geographer, Adam 
describes the knowledge of the classical world as to the Arctic regions. 

(4) See Adam. Brem., " Gesta^^ IV. ch. 20 ; cf. ch. 10. 


accession to this rank, to all bishops and priests in Denmark, 
Sweden, and Norway, and even in the ends of the earth 
{usque ad fines terrae,) He certainly includes Greenland, as 
Maurer justly remarks.^ Adam expressly states that Green- 
land as well as Iceland and the Orkneys sent ambassadors to 
Bremen, to invite missionaries to come and preach the 
Gospel.^ The Archbishop acceded to the request of the 
Greenlanders, and sent them a letter announcing his intention 
to visit them in person.^ But Christianity never flourished 
very strongly in Greenland at this period, for Adam describes 
the people as cruel wreckers.'* 

Adam had also acquired information about Wineland. 
The name was derived from the marvellous wild vine of the 
country. The grapes as well as the vine grew wild. Adam's 
authority for this strange news is the Danish King, Sven, and 
also the express statements of the Danes. It was all very 
well for Adam to maintain that King Sven had told him of 
another island besides Greenland and Hallagland, which had 
often been discovered in the same ocean and was called 
Wineland, because vines grew wild there and yielded mag- 
nificent wine, and he might emphasise, as often as he liked, 
the statement that he relied on no mythical suppositions but 
on a credible report of the Danes, for his account of the way 
in which, in Wineland, the fruits of the earth ripened spon- 

It was a long time before anyone would put faith in these 
travellers' tales. 

The main reason for the doubts of unbelievers, lay in a 
later addition : " after Wineland there is no habitable land in 
that ocean, but all that emerges is icebound, and wrapped in 
impenetrable mist."^ It was also a matter of notoriety that 

(i) lb. ii,and K.Maurer,"Gronlandim Mittelalter,"p.2i3, 1874. 

(2) Adam. Brem., " Gesta^^ ch. 23. 

(3) lb. III. ch. 70 ; IV. ch. 35. 

(4) lb. IV. ch. 36. 

(5) Adam. Brem., ^^ Gesta^^^ IV. ch. 38. " Praeterea unam adhuc 
insulam recitavit a multis in eo repertam oceano, quae dicitur Winland, 
eo quod ibi vites sponte nascantur, vinum optimum ferentes. Nam et 
fruges ibi non seminatas habundare, non fabulosa opinione, sed certa 
comperimus relatione Danorum." 

(6) 1. c. Whether this addition is by Adam is not clear from the 
latest critical edition of Lappenberg-Waitz, and the passage does not 
occur in the most important MS. marked " i." 

B 2 


Greenland was an icebound Polar land, so that no Wineland 
could possibly exist in its vicinity. On the other hand 
Adam's account of Wineland might have turned the scale 
and induced the respected historian of Norway, who purposely 
passed over the account of Wineland,^ to describe Greenland 
as " the boundary in the West of Europe, reaching nearly to 
the islands of Africa, where the waves of the ocean ebb in their 
thunder." ^ 

The Hemburg historian, Albert Krantz (died 1517), has 
the same timid scruples. He also passes over Adam's account 
of Wineland. 

Only Hermann Corner in the isth century, a less severe 
critic, reproduced in his history the chapter on Wineland 
without any alteration.^ 

Adam was for many years not accepted as a credible 
authority, owing to the very statements which later served to 
substantiate his accuracy. We shall come later on to the 
Icelandic sources for the earliest historical authorities of Adam 
of Bremen, and only give here a resume of the main arguments 
deduced from this writer. 

Adam of Bremen gives the earliest written account of the 
discoveries of the Norsemen in America. He is quite inde- 
pendent of the MS. literature of Iceland, and relies immediately 
on contemporary Scandinavian traditions. He gives full par- 
ticulars of Greenland and Wineland, about the population and 
conversion of Greenland, but not of Wineland, lastly about the 
most important natural products of Wineland, a country re- 
markable for grapes, which grew wild, and corn which came 
up without seed. 

The learned Icelander, Ari Thorgilsson, called Hinn Fr6di> 
i,e.y widely versed (d. 1 148), gives the very same account of the 
discoveries of the Norsemen in America, and Ari is just as 
trustworthy an authority^ as Adam of Bremen. Konrad 

(i) G. Storm, ^'' Studier over Vinlandsreiserne ^^'' 1888, p. 8. 

(2) G. Storm, ^^ Monument a historica Norwegiae^^ 1888, p. 76. "Ter- 
minus ad occasum Europae fere contingens Africanas insulas, ubi inun- 
dant oceani refluenta." 

(3) See Storm, " Vinlandsreiseme^^ p. 8, sqq., and J. M. Lappenberg,. 

VI. 836, sqq. 

(4) See E. Werlauff, '' De Aris inultiscio'' \ W. Golther, '' Ares: 
Isldnderbuch^' p. 7, sqq. ; A. M. Reeves, " Wineland^^ p. 7, sqq. ; G. 
Storm, " Vinlandsreiserne^^ p. 10, sqq. ; S. Maurer, " Iskind^^ p. 458,, 


Maurer ('* Gronland in Mittelaltcr'' p. 204) describes Ari as 
"the earliest and most trustworthy of all the Icelandic his- 
torians." Ari also did not fail to quote his authorities, and 
knew how to obtain the most trustworthy reports. 

His chief authority on Greenland was a companion of Eric 
the Red, the discoverer of, and first settler in, Greenland.^ A 
companion of Eric gave a detailed account of the colonisation 
of Greenland to an uncle of Ari, Thorkel Gellisson, of Hel- 
gafell. Thorkell informed Ari of the name of the first dis- 
coverers of Greenland, the reason for the name of the country, 
the time of the settlement, and a useful sketch of civilisation 
in Greenland as it existed before the arrival of the Norse- 

According to Ari, the discoverer of, and first settler in, 
Greenland was Eric the Red, a native of Breidafjord, who 
sailed westwards from Iceland, and settled in Greenland at the 
place now known as Erichsfjord. He also named the new 
land — Greenland, thinking the magic name would attract 
many other Icelanders to the colony. This origin of the name 
is not so fanciful as Adam's, who fancied that the name came 
from the colour of the inhabitants, as they were green from 
the sea {a sale cerulei) ! ^ Ari was informed that the date of 
the settlement was 14 or 15 winters before the official intro- 
duction of Christianity into Iceland. Ari himself tells us^ 
that this took place in the year 1,000 A.D., which would fix 
the settlement in 985 or 986 A.D. Especial attention should 
be paid to his account of the state of civilisation found 
among the aboriginal inhabitants of Greenland, as we also 
learn much of that in Wineland. Both in the east and west of 
Greenland, Eric and his companions found traces of human 
habitation and remnants of leather boats, and stone imple- 
ments. This would prove the inhabitants of Greenland and 

sqq. ; F. Wagner, " Le Livre des Islands du pretre Ari," 1898, p. 8, sqq. 
Justin Winsor also neglects to give full credit to Ari. 

(i) See W. Golther, ''^ Ares Isldnderbuch^^ ch. 6, p. 11 ; A. M. Reeves, 
" Wineland^^ p. 9, sqq. ; C. F. Dahlmann, ^'' Forschungen auf dem 
Gebiete der GeschichtCy^ p. 471, sqq. There is a translation of the ** Ice- 
land Book" on p. 457, sqq. 

(2) Th. Torfaus rightly notes in his " Groenlandia^'' p. 3, sqq., that 
Adam of Bremen adopted the same derivation as Ari, " licet rationem 
non observaverit." 

(3) See W. Golther, ^^ Ares Isldnderbuch^^ ch. 7, p. 1 1, sqq. ; C. F. Dahl- 
mann, " Forschungen," p. 472, sqq. 


Wineland to have been of the same race whom the people of 
Greenland called Skralings.^ There is no further mention 
of Wineland in the Iceland book as known to us, but it must 
be noted that Ari speaks of Wineland as of a country well 
known to all, whose inhabitants were still in a lower grade 
of civilisation. 

There are three other ancient authorities, probably based 
upon Ari,^ although they only incidentally touch on Greenland 
and Wineland. The chief of these is the " Landndmabok," the 
book of the settlement of Iceland from 870 to 930 A.D. W^e 
are told there, that Eric the Red came to Iceland with his 
father, Thorwald, who had to leave Norway for manslaughter. 
When his father died, Eric settled in the south-west of Ice- 
land, where other Norwegians of position had already taken 
up their abode. He was condemned to three years banish- 
ment for manslaughter, and went out to the country which 
Gunnbjorn of Iceland saw in 920, when a storm drove him 
west of Iceland.^ The common name of the islands came to 
be *' Gunnbjorn's Clififs," and a popular idea sprang up that 
there was a large country to the west. Thither the exile 
made his way. He landed safely, and tried to explore 
thoroughly, his western home. He spent the first summer on 
Eric's Island, which we cannot exactly identify, and started 
from there to boldly explore the north. In the autumn he 
returned to the south of Greenland, and spent the winter at 
the southern extremity on an island, to which he gave the 
name of ".Eric's Island." He spent three years in exploring 
the coasts of Greenland, and returned home to advertise his 
discoveries. He wished to obtain public confidence, and 
called the island " Green Land," or Greenland. In this he 
succeeded. Eric himself settled in Brattahlid, by Erics- 

(i) E. Mogk, on p. 61 of his ^^ Die Entdeckung Ainerikas durc/t die 
Nordgerma?iefi" is quite right in laying stress on the fact that the 
inhabitants of Wineland were called Skralings before it was thought that 
the same race must have lived in Greenland as was already known in 

(2) See G. Storm, " Vinlandreiserne^^ p. 1 1 ; A. M. Reeves, " Wine- 
land," p. 12. 

(3) Gunnbjorn's Cliffs were probably, as E. Mogk, ^^ Die Entdeckung 
AfnerikaSy^ p. 64, note i, remarks, a small group of islands between 
Iceland and Greenland which, according to Ruysch's map of 1508, were 
destroyed by volcanoes in 1456. The legend on Ruysch's map reads: 
" Insula hec in anno Domini 1456 fuit totaliter combusta." See Norden- 
skiold, ^^ Facsimile Ailas^^ pi. 32. 


fjord,^ where green land is still to be seen, and where Green- 
land cattle browse.^ 

The Landamabok only twice, and that briefly, notices 
Wineland. Once it serves to determine the geographical 
position of greater Iceland, or the white men's land, " which 
lies close to Wineland." On the other occasion it is men- 
tioned in the genealogy of Thorfinn Karlsefni, " who found 
Wineland the Good."^ Both the other reports, which are to 
be traced back to Ari, supply many gaps in the history of 
geographical discoveries, and are nearly identical with those 
in the Kristni Saga, and in Snorr's " Konigssaga/'^ Leif, a 
son of Eric the Red, had been sent by King Olaf to preach 
the Gospel in Greenland, and on his way home from Norway 
he discovered Wineland the Good. On the same voyage Leif 
saved from certain death a number of fellow-travellers, and 
from this was nicknamed " Hinn Hepni," *' the Fortunate." 
It must be noted that every passage speaks of Wineland the 
good, as a country universally known and in want of no 
further explanation. 

Adam of Bremen and Ari the Wise give us, in their 
histories of the Far North, but slight notes on the correspond- 
ing geographical connexion, but from a geographical stand- 
point their reports are most fortunately corroborated by a 
geographer in the middle of the I2th century, who was 
probably the Abbot Nicholas of Thingeyre (d. 1159).^ The 
reports of the ancient geographer are to be found in Icelandic 
MSS. of the 14th and 15th centuries, forming a short descrip- 
tion of the world, based on Latin sources and the reports of 

(i) Landndmabok, II. 14. The report is to be found in the Saga of 
Thorfinn Karlsefni, or Eric the Red in A. M. Reeves, " Wineland^'^ 
p. 28, sqq., and in the account of the Flatey Book, p. 60, sqq. See also 
K. Maurer, " Gronland im Mittelalter^^ p. 204, note 3. 

(2) See E. Mogk, " Die Entdecktuig Amerikas^'^ p. 67, in Laub's 
description in the report of the second German Polar expedition. On 
p. 64, sqq., Mogk makes an exhaustive research into the first voyages 
of discovery made by Erich the Red. 

(3) cf. Storm, ''^ Vbilandsreiserne^'' p. 11, and for Greater Ireland, 
pp. 63, sqq. ; Reeves, " Winehvid" p. 12. 

(4) cf. Storm, and Reeves, p. 1 2. 

(5) For this 12th century geographer, see Werlauff, ''^ Syinbolae^^ p. 4, 
sqq. ; Rafn, ^^ Gronl. hist. Mindesm." III. 218, sqq. ; Storm, " Vinlands- 
reiseme,^ P- ii> sqq. ; Baumgartner, '''' Island^^ p. 278, sqq. Winsor takes 
no notice of this valuable report. Reeves, p. 15, notes the report, but 
not the Abbot Nicholas. 


Abbot Nicholas, himself a great traveller. The only MS. 
which contains a paragraph on the discovery of Wineland in 
the description of the countries W. and S.W. of Iceland is 
one which gives details of the authority of Abbot Nicholas. 
This is regarded therefore as of the highest antiquity, and is 
rightly traced back to the Abbot.^ 

According to this report : " Helluland lies to the south of 
Greenland, then comes Markland, and a little way on Wine- 
land the Good, which is said to be joined to Africa. If this 
be true, the ocean must flow between Wineland and Mark- 
land. Leif the Lucky first [fyrstr, as the first] discovered 
Wineland, and there [on the same voyage] he found merchants 
shipwrecked on the sea, and by the grace of God he saved 
their lives. He also introduced Christianity into Greenland, 
and it flourished so exceedingly that a Bishop's see was 
created in Garde."^ 

The last statement could obviously not have been written 
before about 1125, when Bishop Arnold (1123-1152) estab- 
lished his see at Gardar. Werlauff, Rafn and Storm may 
therefore be quite correct in ascribing these reports to Abbot 
Nicholas, who died in 1159. This account agrees with the 
narrative of Adam of Bremen, and Ari, and gives con- 
firmatory evidence of the 12th century, that according to the 
earlier traditions of Iceland a Wine country had been dis- 
covered "south of Greenland '' together with two other 
countries, Helluland and Markland, Wineland being dis- 
covered first and quite accidentally by Leif, who was on the 
way home from Norway, to introduce Christianity into 
Greenland. This enables us at last to understand the 
ambiguous phrase of Ari, where he describes Karlsefni as a 
man "who found Wineland the Good."^ We are informed 
by this learned geographer that Karlsefni set out later to find 
Wineland the Good, and that he came to a place " where men 
thought, this was the country sought for,'' but that he was 
unable to explain Wineland with advantage.^ I agree 
entirely with Reeves^ that only two voyages to Wineland are 

(i) Storm, p. II. Werlauff and Rafn agree in this. 

(2) ^^ GronL hist, Mindesm.^^ III. 220, sqq. ; Reeves, '''' Wineland^^ 
pp. 15, sqq. 

(3) Storm, p. II ; Reeves, p. 12. 

(4) ^^ Gronl, hist, Mindesm, " III. 221 ; Reeves, p. 15 ; Storm, 1. c. 

(5) Reeves, p. 161. 


mentioned by the writer : the voyage of discovery by Lief, 
and the voyage of exploration by Karlsefni. 

Greenland and Wineland were known to the earliest 
Icelandic town and family Sagas as well as to historians and 
geographers of high learning and good repute. According 
to the Eyrbyggja Saga (about 1250 or 1260), the men of 
Eyrbygg and Alptfirdingen made a truce, and about the year 
1000 Snorri and Thorleif Kimbe, the sons of Thorbrand, set 
out for Greenland. Kimbervaag took its name from Thorleif 
Kimbe. Snorri went on with Kalsefni to Wineland the 
Good, and " Snorri*s son, Thorbrand, fell in battle, when they 
fought with the men of Skraling in Wineland."^ 

In the Gretti Saga, about 1290, p6rhallr Gamlason is 
mentioned as having taken part in Karlsefni's voyage to 
Wineland. At the close of the expedition he settled in Ice- 
land, at Hrutafjord, and was called the Winelander, from his 
voyage to Wineland.^ 

In these accounts we have the earliest notices of the 
discoveries of the Norsemen in America. It may be that the 
"King's Mirror," which gives very precise details of Greenland, 
is as early as the 12th century. But it makes no mention of 
the other countries, Helluland, Markland and Wineland, and 
we will therefore treat it in detail later in this volume. The 
previous accounts, which were mainly by earlier explorers, 
have been entirely neglected by Justin Winsor, but have been 
duly emphasised by Storm and Reeves. The notices are very 
brief, especially as regards Wineland. But we can trace a 
general consensus of tradition in the northern regions, a 
tradition dating from the 1 1 th century, and stating definitely 
that Eric the Red discovered Greenland in the year 985 or 
986 and colonised it. Further, his son Leif was returning 
from Norway to Greenland, where King Olaf had commissioned 
him to spread the Gospel, when he discovered Wineland the 
Good, in the year 1000.^ Thorfinn Karlsefrii attempted later 

(i) Storm, p. 12, sqq., and H. Gering, ^''Eyrbyggja Saga^^ c. 48, n. 2, 
p. 179 ; pp. xi, sqq., give full details as to contents, author, date and 

(2) Storm, p. 12, sqq. See note 2 for the verification of the nickname. 

(3) The year 1000 is not definitely given in the authorities, but this 
fact is historically confirmed. King Olaf Tryggvason of Norway did send 
Leif to spread the Gospel in Greenland. As to Olaf, cf. Storm, " Om 
Aarstallet for Trondhjems Griindlaeggelse^^ Drontheim, 1897. 



to colonise Wineland, but was unsuccessful as he was defeated 
in battle. The hardy explorers discovered two more coun- 
tries, Markland and Helluland, situated to the south of 


/ttore 2)etafle& Butborltles of tbe I3tb an& I4tb 

Centuries on tbe SKscovery of tbe 

'Florsemen in america. 

iHUS having tested the historical accuracy of 
n the reports of Adam of Bremen, An, and 
I the rest of the early authorities, we are now 
I able to estimate the true value of the fuller 
I details contained in the Icelandic Sagas of 
I the 13th and 14th centuries, relating to the 
discovery of America by the Norsemen. So far as Greenland 
is concerned, we find no critical difficulties in the authorities. 
For the account of the discovery and colonisation of Green- 
land the Sagas refer us to our old and trustworthy friend, 
the Landnamabok.^ It is quite another matter when we come 
to the account of the discovery of the continent of America. 
The Sagas perhaps agree in the main, that in the south-west 
of Greenland three countries were discovered ; the first stony, 
the second wooded, and the third rich in grapes, Helluland, 
Markland, and Wineland respectively; but the authorities 
differ entirely as to the name and person of the first dis- 
coverer, as to the time and circumstances of the discovery and 
subsequent exploration. We are therefore obliged to make it 
our first duty to set out clearly how far the Sagas are as a rule 
to be trusted, and then to select the best of the Sagas deal- 
ing with the discovery of the mainland of America. 

The word Saga,^ which corresponds with the Greek Aoyof, 
was used by the Icelanders both for an historical report in 
the strictest sense of the word, as for example, the Iceland 
Book of An, and for what we call a mere legend. We need 

(1) Seep-vi. 

(2) For the historical value of the Sagas, Ke K, Maurer, " Island," 
p. 463, etc. ; Alejt. Baumgartner, " Island,'' p. 293, eU. ; Paul, " Grundriss," 
p. iiT, etc. i Ch. Smith, " TIu Vinlaud Voyages," p. 510, etc. 


therefore no more accept every word and line of the Sagas as 
gospel truth, than we should be justified in rejecting their 
authority in toto. 

In every single case we must rather decide these two 
points. Are we to trust this or that Saga? Are their ac- 
counts confirmed by other authorities or not, or are they in 
direct contradiction to other established authorities ? 

To answer the second question, we must first ascertain 
which Sagas deal with the discovery of the continent of 
America, and then what recommendation each can claim. 
Storm^ and Reeves^ in their analytical research have estab- 
lished the fact that we need only consider three Sagas. If 
we base our arrangement on the date of the copies, the Saga 
of Thorfinn Karlsefni in the Book of Hauk, about 1305 -1335, 
comes first. Next comes the Saga of King Olaf in the Flatey 
Book, about 1387 ; and then comes the third, the Saga of 
Eric the Red, in a copy in the early part of the 15th century.^ 
This, the real Saga of Eric the Red, is quite distinct from 
the Saga wrongly named by Rafn (Mindesm. I. 194, etc^ and 
others the Saga of Eric the Red, which is in fact an extract 
from the Eric Saga (pattr Eirfks Randa), and differs widely 
from its original in admitting foreign versions, the short 
account of the Greenlanders (Gronlendinga pdttr). This 
pseudo-Eric-Saga forms part of the Olaf Saga in the Flatey 
Book, and we shall therefore quote it as the, account in the 
Flatey Book. 

The appearance of the Saga of Thorfinn Karlsefni in the 
Book of Hauk, which seems to deserve consideration through 
its early date, is really a strong proof of its worthlessness 
as an authority. Hauk was a descendant of the hero Karl- 

(i) G. Storm, " Vmlatidsreiserne^^ pp. 13-21. 

(2) A. M. Reeves, " Wineland^^ pp. 19-25, 53-57. 

(3) A photographic facsimile of these Icelandic sources is to be found 
in Reeves, " Wineland^^ pp. 104-159. The text of the Book of Hauk is 
to be found in Chr. Rafn, *' Antiquites Aniericaines^^ entitled : " Historia 
Karlsefnii et Snorrii Thorbrandi filii^^ pp. 77-200 ; in Reeves, as " Saga 
of Eric the Red^^ pp. 28-52. The text of the Flatey Book is given in 
Rafn, as : " Narrationes de Eiriko Rufo et Graenlandis^'^ pp. 25-76 ; in 
Reeves, as : " The Wineland History of the Flatey Book^^ pp. 60-78 ; 
there is a German translation in the Doctor's Thesis of W. Kayser, " Die 
Entdeckungen der Nonnannen in Gronland und Amerika^'^ Elberfeld, 
1882, and in F. R. Stock's "/?/> Erste Entdeckung Amerikas^^ ; see also 
the " Deutsche Rundschau fiir Geographic und Statistic^^^ Pi^rW, 1900, and 
the " KulturJ^ vol. I, 1900, p. 500, etc. 


sefni, and it may be that to glorify his ancestors Hauk 
arranged his facts in a sequence not justified by history.^ 

In the account of the Flatey Book such a claim is never 
openly made, but two passages in particular seem to refer to a 
very ancient source. 

The third Saga, which is called the Saga of Eric the Red, 
comes third as regards the date of the copy, but Storm 
traces it back to a source prior to the Book of Hauk, and at 
any rate it is independent of the other two authorities, and 
gives an account at first hand of the discovery of America 
by the Norsemen.^ 

If we compare the contents of the three Sagas, we shall 
see that the Saga of Karlsefni agrees in its facts with the 
Saga of Eric the Red in all points. Hauk could not there- 
fore have falsified the Saga of Karlsefni. The two Sagas use 
nearly the same phraseology, and we shall henceforth quote 
them as " the account in the Book of Hauk." In the main 
this account differs materially from the descriptions in the 
Flatey Book. 

We come now to the problem, which of these two diverging 
accounts is the most credible authority. This point can only 
be decided by the relationship either bears to the earliest 
known authorities. What is the state of the case ^ In the 
Book of Hauk, Leif, the son of Eric the Red, discovered 
Wineland by chance in the year looo, on the way home 
from Norway, when he was carrying out the commission of 
King Olaf to spread the Gospel in Greenland. 

In the Flatey Book, this honour is assigned to Bjarne, 
the son of Herjulf, who was searching for his father in 
Greenland, and he is said as early as 985 or 986 to have 
sailed from Iceland, and discovered the countries, known 
later as Wineland, Markland, and Helluland. So the Flatey 

(i) Storm and Reeves do not note this difficulty, mentioned by Kayser 
on p. 14. 

(2) Storm used in his edition of the Eric Saga the text of the Saga of 
Eric the Red. H. Gering ("Zeitschrift fiir deutsche Philologie," vol. 
xxiv, pp. 84, etc.) prefers the text of the Book of Hauk as of earlier date 
and more correct. E. Mogk, ''^ Die Entdeckung Afnerikas diirch die 
Nordgermanen^^ p. 63, note i, agrees with Gering. Storm, in answer to 
an enquiry of mine, assured me that Gering's view was not tenable. As 
far as this present book is concerned, the question need not be definitely 
settled, as both Gering and Mogk treat the Saga of Eric the Red as a 
work independent of the Book of Hauk. 


Book gives quite a different account, both from the I2th 
century geographer, who plainly states that Leif was the 
first to discover Wineland, and also from the Kristni and 
Snorri King's Saga, who specify Leif as the discoverer of 
Wineland the Good in the same year as King Olaf of 
Norway sent him to introduce Christianity into Greenland.^ 

The earliest authorities thus contradict the version of the 
Flatey Book, while they entirely corroborate the Sagas of 
Thorfinn Karlsefni and Eric the Red, or in short the account 
in the Book of Hauk. We are now compelled to ask, how 
was it possible under such circumstances for Bjarne to have 
been so generally considered as the discoverer of America ? 
How can five vogages to Wineland be traced in the Flatey 
Book, while the Book of Hauk and the earliest authorities on 
the other hand only give two ? Storm's critical industry has 
given us the solution.^ He holds that the story in the Flatey 
Book is due to the priest J6n p6rdarson, who wrote his Saga 
of King Olaf about 1387, and borrowed his account of Eric 
the Red, as he himself informs us, from the Saga of Eric the 
Red. The priest used the same source for his description of 
Leifs voyage from Greenland to vist King Olaf in Norway 
in 999, and for the stay and baptism of this hero at the 
Norwegian court. But the priest was acquainted with 
another account of the voyage to Wineland, which he tried 
to connect with the Saga of Eric the Red, but in his account 
of the return of Leif he was obliged to omit the words " And 
then Leif discovered Wineland the Good." Only in this way 
could the priest ascribe the honour of the discovery of Wine- 
land to his hero Bjarne, who was really only one of the 
band who accompanied Thorfinn Karlsefni on his later 

The usual fate of compilers overtook the priest, and 
inaccuracies crept in despite all his vigilance. He fixes the 
voyage of Leif to Norway in the sixteenth year after the 
colonisation of Greenland, i.e., about looi or 1002. He 

(i) cf. p. vii, etc. 

(2) Storm, " Vinlandsreiserne^^ p. 1 5, etc, 

(3) The principal associates of Karlsefni in his expedition, which was 
intended to effect the colonisation of Wineland accidentally discovered 
by Leif, were appointed later on to be independent leaders of new 
expeditions. We find here an echo of the post-Homeric period in which 
each important chieftain had his own bard. 


represents Leif as converted by King Olaf and sent by that 
monarch to Greenland ! King Olaf fell at the battle of 
S voider^ in September, looo. Jon makes Leif twice rescue 
the ship-wrecked, and both times he receives the appellation 
of " The Fortunate.''^ 

It was by no happy choice that the Flatey Book, was 
first used to describe the discovery of America by the Norse- 
men. In 1600 Arngrimr J6nsson translated the two accounts 
in the Flatey Book, which had been heedlessly welded into 
one inharmonious whole, w^idely different as they were in 
origin. In 1689 the account in the Flatey Book again 
appeared in the Skalholt edition of the Olaf Saga, and 
Peringskjold even introduced the same version in 1697 into 
SnorrVs Heimskringla, We have here an interesting proof 
of the importance of testing the original growth of an 
historical account. According to the earliest Icelandic 
MSS., Snorri expressly described Leif as the discoverer of 
Wineland, but his earliest Norwegian editor does not seem to 
have believed in the discovery of a Wineland close to Green- 
land, and calmly omits the words " And there he found 
Wineland the Good.''^ 

Th. Torfaeus in his Vinlaiidia^ p. 69, expressly states that 
in Snorrie he can find no mention of the name " Wineland," 
while Peringskjold, in his edition of Snorri's Heimskringla^ 
makes Bjarne discover Wineland. Torfaeus, in his Vinlandia, 
ranked the account in the Flatey Book first, and the account 
in the Book of Hauk second. Rafn helped to give the palm 
to the version in the Flatey Book, when he incorporated it 
into his Antiquitates americance and Grbnlmids hist, Alindes- 
inaerker (I. 194-256) under the incorrect and misleading title 
of " The Saga of Eric the Red." The translation by Kayser 
in 1882 and Stock in 1900 gave still greater prominence in 

(i) cf. Storm, " Om Aarstallet for Trondhjcms Grundtaeggelse^^ 
Storm makes out that Olaf Tryggvason became king in 985, and went on 
an expedition to Haalogaland in 997, the winter of 999-1000 he spent 
in Drontheim, in the summer of 1000 he sailed to the country of the 
Wends, and in September of that year fell in the battle of Svolder. See 
the criticisms on Storm in the "Jahresberichte fiir Geschichtswissens- 
chaft," 1900, vol. Ill, pp. 179, etc, 

(2) Other misconceptions are pointed out by Reeves, p. 58, and 
Storm, " Vinlandsreisernc^^ p. 16. 

(3) We have seen an analogy on p. 3, the compiler of the History of 
Norway did not trust Adam of Bremen's account of Wineland. 




Germany to the Flatey Book. This version came to be 
accepted as an authority, and scientific and popular accounts 
all recognised Bjarne as the discoverer of America. But the 
ancient Norsemen must have sailed the Atlantic Ocean with 
a precision to be envied by the captains of our most up-to- 
date Atlantic " greyhounds," and they seem never to have 
had any trouble in finding the shelter erected by Leif in 
Wineland, the " Leifsbudir." What a contrast to the Book 
of Hauk, where fine descriptions are tempered by a modest 
regard for truth ! The first voyage to rediscover Wineland 
proved entirely fruitless ; the second and last had some slight 
success : a country was after much labour discovered, whose 
fruits entitled it to rank as the Wineland of Leif, but there 
was not a sign of a " Leifsbudir." Such a description does 
not retain the poetry of the Flatey Book, but it does carry on 
the face of it greater probability, and no one will object to 
our preference for probability. 

The results of Storm's researches may be seen in the 
sentence : " We are therefore quite justified in maintaining 
that on the one hand the Icelandic accounts of the 12th, 
13th, and even of the 14th centuries, contradict the 'short 
history of the Greenlanders,' i,e,, the account in the Flatey 
Book, and testify to their want of credibility, and that on the 
other hand the author of this short history of the Green- 
landers seems to be ignorant of the earlier traditions about 
the voyages to Greenland."^ As early as 1855, Maurer 
rightly pronounced against the account in the Flatey Book 
(which " makes Leif sail to Wineland a long time after the 
death of King Olaf, and yet makes Eric die after his return 
and before the rise of Christianity in Gfeenland ")^, and 
which " in the main is decidedly faulty, however correct its 
account of minor details may be."^ 

(i) Storm, " Vinlandsreiserne^^ p. 16. 

(2) K. Maurer, in his " Bekehrung des norwegischen Stammes^^ vol. I, 
p. 451, note 16, gives a resume of the accounts of Eric : "As to Eric, 
there are three different stories : in the first, he died before the con- 
version of Greenland, in the second, he was himself converted by Leif, 
in the third, he survived the conversion, but remained mostly a pagan. 
The latter version is probably more correct." 

(3) K. Maurer, vol. I, p. 450, note 13. In his later work, ^^Gronland^^ 
Maurer follows the general consensus, but on p. 206, note 2, he offers a 
valuable contribution to the view held by Storm, that the author of the 
" Gronlendingapdttr^^ in the Flatey Book was unacquainted with the 
earlier Icelandic tradition. 


The account in the Flatey Book was not at first very 
universally accepted, as we can see from the careful table oC 
the early MSS., given by Reeves on p. i88, which shows 
twenty-eight copies of the Sagas of Eric the Red and of 
Thorfinn Karlsefni to one of the Flatey Book. 

The account in the Book of Hauk and its companion, the 
Saga of Eric the Red, has been to a certain extent called in 
question before, so it may not be out of place to follow Reeves 
and Storm in analysing the importance of the Flatey Book 
version.^ In addition to the usual legends common to all Ice- 
landic Sagas, we find several very startling statements, — large 
glaciers in Helluland, in Wineland wondrous vines, discovered 
in winter, gathered in spring, their juice is intoxicating, the 
vine-stalks are mighty trees, felled afterwards for building 
purposes. The Book of Hauk mentions no intoxicating 
grapes, and makes a distinction between the vine-stocks and 
the tall timber suitable for building.^ This may suffice to 
prove the superiority of the Book of Hauk, and to inspire 
caution in dealing with the account in the Flatey Book. 

We will endeavour to give the main historical facts of the 
voyages to Wineland, employing the accepted standards in a 
brief resmn^, 

Leif, a son of Eric the Red, started from Greenland on his 
way to Norway, in 999.^ He kept too far on a southerly 
course, but on the first direct voyage from Greenland this error 
in navigation would not be so apparent. At last he reached 
his journey's end, and entered the service of the King of 
Norway, Olaf Trygvason. He was converted to Christianity, 
and remained at the Norwegian Court till Olaf sent him in 
1000 to evangelise Greenland. Leif was driven out of his 
course on the return voyage and sailed in unknown seas for 
many days, till at last he came to an unknown country. There 
he found grapes growing wild, corn, and timber suitable for 
building houses. He took away samples of all these valuable 

(i) The errors attributable to the compiler have already been 
noticed, p. 13, etc, 

(2) Reeves, p. 59. Storm, " Vinlandsreiserne^'^ p. 19, etc. A further 
collection of absurdities is there given. 

(3) The dates may be approximately settled by the death of Olaf in 
1000. For the rest, cf. Reeves, 1. c, p. 25, etc. ; Storm, " Vindlandsrei- 
serne^^ p. 21, etc. ; Columbus, p. 76, etc. ; Ruge, " WeinlandsfahrteUy' 
p. 5, etc, 





products. The adventurous mariners took a north-easterly 
course and reached Greenland. Just before he came to land, 
Leif saved a number of ship-wrecked men, and received the 
name of *' The Fortunate." 

Christianity was introduced into Greenland in the winter 
of looo-iooi, and was at first opposed by Eric the Red. The 
nevvdy discovered countries aroused popular interest, which led 
to voyages of exploration. Thorstein, a hero of the Sagas, and 
an elder brother of Leif, took the lead in the expedition, which , 
Eric also wished to join, but on the way to the ship the aged 
father met with a severe fall, and was obliged to relinquish his 
purpose. This accident brought disaster in its train. The 
adventurers never reached their goal. Thorstein and his band 
of twenty followers were tossed about on the waves for 
months, and at last, weary and worn out, he had to return 
to Greenland. In the autumn of looi, Thorstein married 
Gudrid of Iceland, one of the heroines of the Sagas, who 
arrived in Greenland with her father in the previous year. 
Thorstein died the following winter at his Lijsefjord farm in 
West Greenland, and Gudrid rejoined Eric in East Greenland. 
In the summer of 1002, two Icelandic vessels arrived at 
Brattahlid, the home of Eric. One ship belonged to Thorfinn 
Karlsefni, an enterprising and successful merchant, the other 
to Bjarne and Thorhall of Iceland. With true Norse hospi- 
tality, Eric opened his halls to the captains and their eighty 
men. Karlsefni made the acquaintance of Gudrid, and Eric 
gave his consent to their marriage in the spring of 1003. 
The news of the discovery of Wineland had an irresistible 
attraction for Karlsefni and his crew. They determined to 
explore and colonise this El Dorado. 

The starting point this time was the west side of Green- 
land, where Gudrid's home was situated. About 140 went 
out on this expedition. Besides the two Icelandic ships and 
their crews, the following sailed in their own vessels: Thor- 
wald, a younger son of Eric, and his sister, the Amazon 
Freydis, with her husband, Thorward, and Gudrid, who 
accompanied her husband. The voyage proved a success. 
The first point reached was a long, flat, stony stretchy 
to which they gave the name of Helluland, the stony land. 
Two days later they reached a land of magnificent forests, 
which they called Markland, or Forest Land Then, after a 


longer and uninteresting voyage, the explorers came to a third 
land, where two running scouts, a present from Olaf to Leif, 
found grapes and corn growing wild.^ The spot was a long 
way from the shore and a difference of opinion arose as to the 
right route. Thorhall and nine followers took a northerly 
course, were driven by a storm to Ireland, where they fell into 
captivity.^ Karlsefni steered to the south, and came at last to 
a spot where he found both grapes and corn growing wild. 
This, the explorers thought, must be Wineland the Good, but 
no mention is made of Leifsbudir. The ground seemed 
suitable for colonists, and houses were built. The natives 
appeared in large numbers, sailing in leather boats, and the 
new-comers thought they would now have a favourable oppor- 
tunity for barter and exchange. But the natives made a ' 
furious attack upon them, and Thorbrand of Iceland fell in 
battle. It was only, after repeated losses that the men of 
Skraling, who began the attack, began tO retire. Karlsefni, 
fearing a further surprise, would not stay in this dangerous 
spot, and tried to settle farther north. The men of Skraling 
did not molest them again, but in the course of a subsequent 
exploration Thorwald, a son of Eric, lost his life, as his 
companions said, in fight with "a one-footed man." Dis- 
sensions broke out among the colonists themselves, for which 
the women were to blame,^ and accordingly in the summer 
of 1006 the colonisation scheme was abandoned. Karlsefni 
landed again on Markland on his return voyage. On the 
beach were five inhabitants of Skraling ; three escaped, a man 
and two women, but Karlsefni's men captured two children, 
took them away, and taught them to " talk." 

Karlsefni and Gudrid, with their little boy Snorri, now 
three years old,* reached Greenland in safety, but Bjarne's 
worm-eaten ship lost its course and foundered. Half the 
crew succeeded in reaching Ireland, and spread the news of 
the heroism of Bjarne, who lost his life in saving a young 
sailor. No further attempts at colonisation are noticed by the 
Book of Hauk or by the earlier Icelandic authorities. 

(i) See Storm, ^^Vinlandsreiseme" p. 20. 

(2) " The Book of Hauk^\see Reeves, p. 46. 

(3) " The Book of Hauk^^ see Reeves, p. 50 ; The Flatey Book, see 
Reeves, p. 74, etc, 

(4) Snorri is, so far as can historically be determined, the first child 
born of European parents on the mainland of America. 

C 2 


Zbe (Browtb of tbe "Morse Colony in (5rce^laIl^. 

I LL success attended the efforts to colonise 
Wineland the Good, though Eric the Red 
had wonderful results from his colony in 
Greenland. Thirty-five ships started with 
Eric from Iceland. Only fourteen reached 
their port^ in safety, and keen privations 
awaited the adventurers. Eric had specially invited a wealthy 
and influential man, named Thorgil, to come to Greenland, 
His experiences were anything but pleasant. Three years 
long was he frozen up among gigantic icebergs, which shut 
him out from the sea. Then he went through terrible suffer- 
ings and privations before he reached friendly natives.^ This 
fact, and the fate of the twenty-one ships, which the Polar 
stream either wrecked or delayed, proves that the climate of 
that time was no better than the climate of to-day, and that 
it was a matter of the utmost importance for the welfare of 
the colony to maintain a constant connection with Norway, 
and so to avoid the dangers of isolation. 

The daring attempt which Storm rightly compares to that 

(i) " TAe Book of Flatey" short history of Eric the Red, in Reeves, 
1. c. p. 61 ; Rafn, '^ Antiq. AiiUr.^' p. 14. As the numbers are often 
wrongly slated, we give the text of the Latin translation of Rafn : " Ita 
dicunt homines rerum periti, eadem aestale, qua Eirikus Rufus Graen- 
laadiam inhabitatum profectus sit, tres navium decurias cum dimidia ex 
Breidafjordo el Borgarfjordo exiisse, sed quattuordecim eo pen'enisse ; ex 
reliquis quasdam reiectas, quasdam deperiisse " ; also the note by 
Reeves, p. 61, n. i ; " Hdlfr Qordi tOgr : lit. half of the fourth ten, i.e. 
three decades' and a half ; the ancient Icelandic method of numeration." 

(2) For the truly tragic misfortunes of this man cf. Torfaeus, " Gron- 
litndia," p. 130, eU. Mogk, "Die Entdeckung Ameriias," p. 65, n. 2, 
rightly remarks ; " The voyage of Thorgil and his men deserves a place 
of honour next to the most recent voyages in Greenland's history of 
later times. No work of modern times gives such a brief and yet so 
thrilling account of the hardships as the Saga of F16amanna" [which 
Torfaeus reproduces]. 


of Columbus/ was made by Leif, a son of Eric the Red, and 
with due success. On the return voyage Leif discovered 
Wineland. He and a priest on his ship introduced Chris- 
tianity into Greenland. More than a century passed before 
the Roman Catholic religion completely dominated the de- 
fiant and bloodthirsty Norsemen, but still the introduction of 
Christianity soon proved the best channel for a constant and 
assured intercourse with Christian Europe. Adam of Bremen 
describes the visit of the Greenland envoys to Archbishop 
Adalbert of Bremen, when they came in search of mission- 
aries.2 As early as the beginning of the 12th century we 
hear of the first missionary bishop, Eric, 1 1 1 2. He left for 
Wineland in 1121, which caused the people of Greenland to 
petition King Sigurd of Norway for a permanent Bishop. 
The King appointed Arnald, one of his priests, to the difficult 
post, and in 11 24 Arnald was consecrated by Archbishop 
Asker of Lund,^ and he is the first of a long and venerable 
line of Bishops of Greenland, extending beyond the Refor- 
mation, a critical moment in the history of Greenland. 

As Greenland was converted to the Roman Catholic 
religion, it is possible that the most important records of 
Greenland may still be found in the archives of the Vatican. 
Munch published most of them in 1864.^ This edition did 
not enlist the sympathies of the non-Scandinavian historians, 
and so Jelie was able to enjoy the cheap triumph of ap- 
parently being the first to discover the important documents. 
He only gave a summary of the contents of the majority in 
his essay V^vangdisation de VAniMque. Hey wood, in his 

(i) Storm, " Columbus ^^ p. 76. 

(2) Adam, III. ch. 23, and 70. 

(3) For the authorities for the history of the Bishops of Greenland, cf. 
Maurer, ^^ Gronland tm Mittelalter^^ p. 213, n. 4, for the history of 
Arnald, id. p. 214. In modern times Jeli(5 has devoted himself to 
research in the succession of Bishops, see his list of 25 names in 
*•'' Missioni Francescane^^ 1897, pp. 557,^/^., and I am indebted to him 
for the total of 31 names. For the period from 1198 to 1431, cf. Eubel, 
^^ Hierarchia catholica medii aevi.^^ A Bishop of Greenland unnoticed 
by Eubel is mentioned in Dr. Hanncke's thesis, '"'' Koslin iin \^. Jahr- 
hundert^^ Koslin, 1893, p. 18 : " In the year 1433 John, titular Bishop of 
Greenland, a compatriot of Vicar Johann Wynter of Koslin, bequeathed 
to his servant Christina Schwarzkoppen for her devoted service of 24 
years almost his entire property and an annual income of two bushels of 
wheat." The full text of the will is to be found in Wachse's original 
documents in his MS. History of the Bishopric of Kamin. 

(4) Munch, ^^ Pavelige Nuntiers^^ Christian ia, 1864. 


Documenta selecta e tabulario secreto VaticanOy sets a praise- 
worthy example in his facsimile edition of a selected portion 
of these documents, where he includes the Bull of Alexander 
VI., first discovered and published by Jelic. Besides the 
news from Rome, there are three Scandinavian sources spe- 
cially noteworthy : the King^s Mirror^ the Icelandic Annals, 
and the description of Greenland by Ivar Bardsson. Of these, 
most interest attaches to the King's Mirror. The author 
gives, in the form of a conversation between father and son, 
a most accurate account of land and sea, — and we may fix 
his probable date^ at the I2th or 13th century — of the flora 
and fauna of Greenland, "of the movement of ice on the 
water and on land,'' of the phenomenon " which the Green- 
landers call the Northern Lights " ; in short, of all topics 
most interesting to a geographer, and he treats them in a 
manner which still to-day commands our respect. 

Rafn reproduces the King's Mirror, and the passages in 
the Icelandic Annals relating to Greenland.^ Storm gives a 
more complete and critical edition in Islandiske Annaler 
indtil 1578. The Monumenta Germaniae ("Scriptores xxix., 
pp. 252, etc?) only picked out the portions affecting German 
history. We are lost in admiration of a masterpiece of 
history, which can justly claim to stand next to the best of 
our chronicles. What a wide range is here treated : the Holy 
Land, Italy, France, Germany, the Scandinavian countries, 
including Greenland, all have an equal share of attention. 
In Ivar Bardsson we find the first complete account of the 
different parishes of Greenland and the possessions of the 
various churches. The author was for many years deputy to 
the bishop of Gardar, and therefore was most fully acquainted 
with the conditions of Greenland in his time — the 14th cen- 
tury. His right to be an authority is universally accepted, 

(i) According to Rafn, ^^ Gronl. hist Mindesm.'^ III. 264, etc., the 
author was Nicholas Sigurdson, a near relative of King Magnus, about 
II 60. According to Mogk, ^^ Entdeckung Amerikas^^ p. 68, he was 
Sverrir, King of Norway, about 1175-^1200. Daae, however, in his 
edition of the ^^ King's Mirror ^^ advances the theory that he was a 
servant of King Hakon, named William, and puts the date of the work 
at 12^0-1260 {^^ Jahresberichte fiir Geschichtswissensckaft,^^ 1900, III. 182, 
etc.). The only certain fact is that the author was a Norwegian of the 
better classes, and that on his own showing he had not visited Green- 
land, but was giving the experiences of people who had been there for 
periods of varying duration. 

(2) " Mindesm.^^ III. 276-354 ; ^^ King's Mirror,^^ 6-44 (Annals). 


and his evidence is of great weight in solving the old disputed 
questions as to the geographical position of the colonies in 
Greenland, and as to an accredited account of the sad fate of 
the western colony. Not to mention Rafn, Torfaeus, and 
Lelevvel ; R. H. Major, of the British Museum, published this 
account as an Appendix to his edition of The Voyages of the 
Brothers Zeno (pp. 39, etc^^ but not in the original text, only 
in an obscure Latin, and in a clear English translation. 

We may endeavour to put together from these varied 
sources a picture of the Norse colonies in Greenland, but 
then comes the question : " Where were the old settlements V^ 
The solution at the first glance seems very simple. The 
names Eystribyg^ (Eastern settlement), and Vestribyg'S 
(Western settlement), seem to denote, without a shadow of a 
doubt, that the colonies lay partly on the east and partly on 
the west coasts of Greenland. In fact, before this it had 
been very generally accepted that the eastern settlement was 
undoubtedly situated on the east coast of Greenland, and 
some authorities have always maintained this view, in most 
recent times Nordenskiold;^ but the majority of scholars now 
lean to the opinion that both colonies were situated on the 
west coast of Greenland. Ruge, in his critical review of the 
Pe7'iplus^ only repeats the view of Nordenskiold, without 
mentioning the decided negative of Storm.^ It may therefore 
be not without interest to examine this instructive question 
of dispute in somewhat exhaustive detail. 

Early in the i6th century the Danes seriously took up the 
idea of tracing the settlements in Greenland, but started with 
the firm conviction that the eastern settlement must be on 
the east coast.^ This opinion held the field, till, in 1792, 
Peter von Egger, in his prize essay, Ueber die Lage des gron- 
Idndischen Ostdistriktes^ proved from the ancient sources of 

(i) ^' Forschungerty^ p. 56, and ^^ Perzplus^'^ p. 83, etc. 

(2) ^^ Deutsche geogr. Blatter^'' 1899, p. 183, etc. 

(3) Storm's critique of ^'' Per (plus ^^ p. 159. His words are: "Nor- 
denskiold has already many years ago protested against 'the official 
chorography of Greenland,' in assigning the eastern settlement to the 
south-west coast of Greenland, but the basis of his argument is weak 
and has never to my knowledge convinced any scholar. The arguments 
used in his " Periplus^'' are not new, and have, I believe, been altogether 
upset by the discoveries in the district of Julianehaab, described in the 
Mitteilungen iiber Gronland^ part 16, 1896." 

(4) Maurer, " Gronland^^ p. 236, etc. 


authority that " the old Eystribyg^S in Greenland was not on 
the east coast, at that early period quite inaccessible, but on 
the south-west coast." ^ Graah made researches (1828-31) 
which confirmed Egger's conclusions, but without much per- 
manent result, as Major^ points out, because Graah had pre- 
conceived notions, and did not examine the east coast of 
Greenland. Major was not satisfied with Graah's argument, 
and went carefully through the old Norse authorities, and 
particularly Ivar Bardsson. He finally came to the same 
conclusion as Graah and Egger. Major is right when he 
considers the solution of the riddle to lie in the correct loca- 
tion of the Cape Hvarf (" Turning-point "). Ivar bases his 
theories on the eastern and western districts on the following 
grounds : To the east of this there are only uninhabited 
tracts, whose fjords are remarkable for the abundance of 
fishes, while on the west of Hvarf there is a succession of 
places and fjords, which are also set out in the Sagas, and 
belong to the eastern district. Between the two districts 
there extends a desert territory 12 miles in length. At the 
most southern point of the western district stood the great 
church of Steinesnes.^ Major weighed the evidence carefully 
and came to the conclusion that Hvarf must have been a 
point to the south of Greenland, and so the eastern district 
must have been immediately to the west of southern Green- 
land."* As opposed to Nordenskiold this conclusion seems 
worthy of support as based on the earliest cartographical re- 
presentations of the Norse Greenland. Nordenskiold, it must 
be remembered, calls attention in his Forschtmgen^ to the im- 
portance of the names of the places in Greenland, as described 
on the Donis and Zeno maps, and we may now add, on the 
Zamoisky map,^ the three Florentine Norse maps, discovered 
by Professor Wieser and so well reproduced by Nordenskiold,^ 
and also in three maps in the Vatican and Schloss Wolfegg, 

(i) Maurer, ^^ Island ^^ p. 9, etc; " Grbnland^^ p. 276. 

(2) " Voyages^'' p. Ixix, etc. 

(3) Ivar Bardsson : " Et protinus stat magnum t.emplum dictum 
Steinnessium," in Major, 1. c. p. 52. 

(4) Major, 1. c, p. Ixxix, etc. 

(5) P- 52, etc. 

(6) Nordenskiold, '' Facsimile- Atlas ^' tab. XXX. 

(7) ''Bidra^i' tab. I, II, III, and in '' Periplus^' no. 34, 35» and tab. 


which date back to Donnus Nikolaus Gerrtianus, and are first 
published as plates II, IV and VI, at the end of this book. 
On all these maps there is a Cape Af or Aff to the south-west 
of Greenland, which according to Nordenskiold must obviously 
be Af hvarf (Turning point).^ If this be the correct explana- 
tion, then both the old Norse maps and Ivar Bardsson agree 
in fixing the eastern and western settlements of the old 
Vikings on the west coast of Greenland. In the early eighties 
Holm held the same view as Nordenskiold, that the eastern 
settlement was, as its name implied, on the east coast. But 
in spite of all his efforts, 1 880-81, and 1883-85, he found no 
corresponding ruins on the east coast, though, in the district 
of Julianehaab, /. e, in the south-west of Greenland, he found 
numerous ruins, widely scattered.^ 

Holm's conclusions were communicated to the Copen- 
hagen meeting of the International Congress of Americans 
in 1883 by Steenstrup, who took an exceptional interest in 
the question of the Greenland settlements, as he had himself 
conducted investigations on the spot. In the same year 
Nordenskiold set out on his well-known voyage on the 
" Sophie." This expedition confirmed him in his view that 
the eastern Norse settlement must have been on the east 
coast of Greenland, and he actually succeeded with his frail 
vessel in passing the ice and in landing on the east coast. 
He found no traces of extensive ruins, but this did not shake 
his opinions. Nordenskiold simply maintained that the large 
mass of ruins to tfie south-west, which he had also examined, 
were of later date than the Norse period.^ We must examine 
in every detail this confident assertion, because, if it were well 
founded, it would destroy the theories of Mogk, who relied 
on the number of ruins in south-west Greenland,'^ and 
would rob of their chief support the able deductions of Holm 

(i) Nordenskiold, ^^ Forschungen^^ p. 55. 

(2) Holm gave a full account of his researches in " Meddelelser oin 
Gronland^^ VI, entitled, Forberedelser til Ufidersogelsen af Grd?dands 
bstkyst ved Wandel og Nomtann, og Undersogelse af Ruinerne ijttliane- 
haabs District 1880 ^^.,1881 ; also in vols. IX and X, entitled, Underso- 
gelse paa Gronlands bstkyst indtil 66° 25" N.B,^ i Aarene 1883-85. 

(3) Nordenskiold has recently put forward this argument in his 
" Periplus^^ pp. 83, etc. 

(4) Mogk, " Entdeckung AmerikasJ^ p. 66, n. i : *' I cannot agree 
with Nordenskiold's view that the eastern settlement means the east 
coast of Greenland {^^ Gronland" pp. 359, etc.). There may be remains 


and Steenstrup, which Schmidt^ communicated to the Paris 
meeting of the International Congress of Americans in 1882. 
How are we to assign beyond all doubt to the Norse period 
the ruins in Greenland, so bewildering in their number and 
in their different styles of architecture ? Are we to refer to 
the time of the ancient Sagas only the broken stones and 
fragments of ruined buildings, or are we to include the stone 
houses in remarkable preservation ? For these questions we 
need a trustworthy starting-point and a fixed standard. We 
shall find both these in Gudmundsson, who has embodied the 
results of his patient investigations in his Die Privat- 
wohnungen aiif Island in der Sagaszeit. Thanks to Gud- 
mundsson, Bruun and his learned co-workers, Petersen, 
Jessen and Boye were enabled in 1894 to demonstrate satis- 
factorily that the ruins in the district of Julianehaab dated 
from the time of the Norsemen,^ and that thus the eastern 
district of the Sagas must be looked for and will be found on 
the west coast of Greenland. Finnur Jonsson was also 
indebted to this investigation, whose interest is only equalled 
by its thoroughness, when he determined the ancient topo- 
graphy of Greenland from the early authorities and compiled 
his map, giving the very names employed to-day.^ 

The courtesy of this cartographer enables me to show in 
Plates IX and X the results of his interesting geographical 
researches. Plate IX, the eastern settlement, shows that the 
majority of the Norse settlements were near the present 
Julianehaab. Altogether there must have been 117 churches 
and farm-houses of more or less importance. The greatest 
interest naturally centres round the site of the Bishopric of 
Gardar, on which very different views have hitherto been 

of early Icelandic houses on the east coast, but they are far exceeded in 
numbers by those on the west coast, though the mediaeval authorities 
agree that the eastern was the larger settlement." 

(i) V. Schmidt, ^^ Situation geogr.^^ Congr^s intern, des Am^ric. : 
Compte rendu, 1892, p. 203. 

(2) " Meddelelser^^ XVI, pp. 479, etc. We learn from Thoroddsen's 
article (Petermann's ''^ Mitteilungen,^^ vo\, 43, 1897, L. B. no. 721), that 
Bruun visited Iceland in 1896, to see by personal inspection if the early 
Greenland buildings resembled the Icelandic, and to make a comparative 
study of Icelandic architecture of to-day. The result of these researches 
are to be found in ^^ Fortidsmindcr og Nutidshjem paa Island^^ 1897. 
One interesting fact determined by his researches is that the early home- 
steads were almost identical with those in Iceland of to-day. 

(3) " Meddehlser,'' XX, pp. 265, etc. 


expressed. J6nsson thinks the earliest authorities point to 
Igaliko, where there are still the remains of a considerable 
church in the form of a cross (Group of ruins, no. 47).^ The 
homestead of Eric the Red, the famous Brattahlid, he places 
on the Ericsfjord (Tunugdliarfik, group no. 29), where there 
are still, near Kagsiarsuk, the remains of a church, which 
agrees with the Sagas. On this map, group no. 83, we find 
clearly marked the noble ruins of the church of Kakortok, 
well known in pictures. Nos. 91, 107 and 108, are also re- 
mains of churches, Vagar, Petursvik, and Aross, w^hile no. 97 
is a convent, and no. 105 is a monastery. 

J6nsson succeeded in naming many of the fjords with an 
exactitude which was of the greatest service in determining 
the places and fjords mentioned in the authorities. In the 
eastern district he located the Isafjord (=Sermilik), and in 
the western district the Agnafjord, which " doubtless answers 
to the Ameralikfjord, on which was situated a church, that of 
Hop, whose ruins were actually discovered."^ 

The ruins in the western district have not been thoroughly 
investigated, and are, therefore, not numbered on the map. 
Up to the present only 56 groups of ruins are known. Any 
later explorer will reap this enormous benefit, that the fjords 
have nearly all been identified and the MS. authorities are not 
at variance with recent archaeological science. 

The western settlement was in the country of the modern 
Gothaab, and, as the map in Plate X shows, much more to the 
west. Gothaab lies 51° 30" W. degree of longitude, while 
Juliaijehaab touches 46°. Rangafjord in the Sagas corre- 
sponds to Godthaabsfjord. Here was the church of Anavik, 
and the ruins of a church have been found in the bay of 
Ujaragsuit. Other churches named in the early authorities 
have not yet been traced. J6nsson remarks on this and 
points out the spot where further researches may profitably 
be commenced. 

The site of the settlements and the number of the home- 
steads and churches are not, therefore, in dispute, and the 
archaeological researches in conjunction with the early Ice- 
landic and Norwegian authorities enable us to estimate with 

(i) Holm gives the best illustrations of these and of the following 
ruins of importance, '' Meddelelser,'' VI, tab. I-XXXIV. 

(2) '' MeddelelserJ' XX. 351. 


an almost absolute certainty the Norse population of Green- 
land. • 

This is a second burning question, and a question closely 
connected with the alleged Norse settlement on the continent 
of America. 

Jelic gives the numbers of the diocesans at Gardar as 
10,000,^ while Gelcich, an opponent of Jelic, specifies only 
" a few families, possessing perhaps less chances of succeeding 
in Iceland," as having permanently settled in Greenland.^ 
This latter view is certainly in direct opposition to the early 
authorities, and to the numerous ruins. 

Rafn quotes from an old MS. : " The number of the 
homesteads amounts to 280, of which 190 are situated in 
the eastern settlement, and 90 in the western settlement.^ 

With this early account of the division of the homesteads 
the three other authorities agree entirely on the division of 
the churches. According to the Gripla, a gazetteer only 
extant in extracts, there were twelve churches in the eastern 
colony, and four in the western.^ The accounts agree as to 
the east coast, the churches in the western district, formerly 
harried by the men of Skralingen, in the list of the Flatey 
Book (about 1300) drop from four to three,^ in that of Ivar 
(about 1360) to one, at Steinesnes, where for a long time 
there existed "a cathedral and a bishopric/'^ the population 
may not have been as small, as Gelcich supposes, but it 
did not reach 10,000, or justify the creation of a second 

The King^s Mirror lays a proper amount of stress upon 
the fact that Greenland only owed its bishopric of Gardar to 
its distance from other dioceses. Had it been nearer to other 
countries, it might have helped to form " the third part of a 
diocese ! "^ 

(1) L. Jelic, " L evangdlisation^^ p. 177. 

(2) E. Gelcich, ^^ Ziir Geschichte der Entdeckung Amerikas^^ p. 184. 
We may here note that Gelcich also starts with the false premiss, that 
Norse colonies were on the east coast. 

(3) ''^ Mindesm,^^ III. 226, etc, 

(4) id. p. 225. 

(5) Maurer, ''^ Gronland^^ p. 216. 

(6) Bardsson, in Major, " Voyages^^ p. 52. See the very learned 
researches of J6nsson in the ''^ Meddelelser^^ XX, 297, etc.^ where, on 
p. 304, he identifies the 12 churches of the east coast. 

(7) ''^ MindesinJ^ III. 331. 


The opinion was formerly current, but without due grounds, 
that Ivar's account of Steinesnes as the seat of a bishopric, 
and the lists of the Bishops of Greenland, presupposed a 
second Bishopric.^ 

However, it is possible that the missionary Bishop Eric, 
who sailed for Wineland in 1121, may, as Torfaeus has sug- 
gested, have had his " cathedral " at Steinesnes.^ The belief 
in the second bishopric is only equalled by the idea that the 
Bishopric of Gardar in Greenland numbered 10,000 diocesans. 
The number is no doubt taken from the amount of the Peter's 
Pence paid in 1327 to Pope John XXII, but Storm and others 
fall into three errors here. The ratio between the Norse mark 
and the Tournay coinage was so carelessly computed, that for 
254 Norse marks 338 were reckoned ; secondly, the Norse 
mark was rated at double its true value, 160 instead of 80 
pfennigs ; and thirdly, it was assumed in this computation 
that the Greenland walrus-tusk was less valuable in Flanders 
than in Greenland, whereas the walrus- tusk was no rare object 
in Greenland, and had a fixed market value, while in Flanders 
it was very rare and fetched a very high price.^ If we make 
a fair and correct computation of the Crusade Penny for 1327, 
we cannot reckon the population of the diocese of Gardar at 
more than S,CXX), certainly not at 10,000. We arrive at the 
same figures, if we take into account the number of the home- 
steads in Greenland, 280 in all. We may reckon 10-15 persons* 
on an average to each homestead, which makes a more pro- 
bable total. 

As to the architecture of the homesteads in Greenland, 
we have the fullest information, thanks to the thorough in- 
vestigations of Bruun.^ The dwelling-houses, stables, and 

(i) Father Rattinger, a Jesuit, since deceased, well known for his 
researches in the seats of Bishoprics, was good enough, in answer to a 
letter from me, to state that he himself was inclined to favour the 
existence of a second Bishopric, but against this stood the accounts in 
the Icelandic annals, and the remarks of Ivar, and of the ^^ King's 

(2) Torfaeus, " Gr'dnlandia^^ p. 217. 

(3) Storm, " Nye Efterretninger^^ p. 397. 

(4) JeliC is satisfied with the estimate of 10 persons. Brynjulfson 
reckons with Maurer (" Gronland^^ p. 246, n. 7) 20-30 persons for one 
homestead, and so makes up 5600-8400, but this estimate is too high. 
There were homesteads (see Maurer) only inhabited by two persons. 

(5) See the Illustrations in '' Meddelelser^' VI, plate VII, XVI, XX, 


barns were built of the stones found on the spot. The blocks 
were laid without mortar on each other, or side by side, or else 
a layer of turf was placed between two layers of stone. The 
red sandstone joined so well that the buildings, where no turf 
was used, have in places lasted very well and have quite a 
good appearance even to-day. But the buildings, where 
turf was used, are all in ruins. These desolate heaps were 
rightly held to be signs of early Norse colonists, but at one 
time doubts had been cast upon this by the well-preserved 
look of the more perfect ruins. The size of the homesteads 
and the number of the out-buildings vary to a very large 
extent. The dwelling-house, the stalls and the barns, were 
only one storey high. The detached out-buildings, such as 
the stables for the horses, cows, sheep and goats, were mostly 
quite separate. The dwelling-house hardly held more than 
five human beings.^ The chief occupation of the men was 
cattle-breeding and hunting. Want of bread and oil, as we 
read in a Bull of Alexander VI, dated 1492-93, made them 
put up with dried fish and milk.^ They had no coinage, so 
they paid their tithes in ox-hides and sealskins, and in the 
teeth of whales and whalebone.^ The " Kjokkenmoddinger," 
the kitchen middens, often standing three feet above the 
ruins of the facades of the dwelling-house, show the great 
fondness of the Norsemen for cattle-breeding and the hunt- 
ing of the larger mammals. The predominant feature in 
these heaps of ashes and bones are the bones of seals. Of 
domestic animals the following can be traced among the heaps 
of bones : small-horned cattle (Bos taurus), goats (Capra 
hircus), sheep (Ovis aries), small horses (Equus caballus), and 
magnificent dogs (Canis familiaris). Among the native mam- 
mals of Greenland may also be traced : the Arctic fox (Canis 
lagopus), the Polar bear (Ursus maritimus), the walrus (Tri- 
checus rosmarus), three species of seals (Erignathus barbatus, 
Phoca vitulina, Phoca fcetida), and in considerable quantities 
hooded seals (Cystophora cristata), and reindeer (Rangifer 

(i) Bruun, ^^ Meddelelser^^ XVI. 171, etc.^ 484, etc, 

(2) A facsimile of the Bull will be found in Heywood, " Documenta 
selecta^^ ^. 12^ etc. It was first published by Jelic, ^^ L^ang^lisation,^^ 
p. 183, etc* 

(3) " Gronlandiae decima, non percipitur nisi in bovinis et focarum 
coriis ac dentibus et funibus balenarum." Martin IV to the Archbishop 
of Drontheim, March 4, 1282. Munch, ^^ Nuntiers Beil^^ 26, p. 153. 


tarandus), but no hares. There are scarcely any traces of birds 
or fishes. Among the former are divers (Una arra), and puf- 
fins (Tratercula Arctica, or Mormon fratercula Temm.) ; and 
of fishes there are only soles (Pleuronetica sp.). The absence 
of fish-bones is remarkable, but the fish-bones, as well as dried 
fish, may have been used for food for the cattle.^ The in- 
habitants were driven, by their devotion to cattle-breeding 
and hunting, to explore their ice-bound country on all sides. 
We read in the King's Mirror that " the men often climbed 
the highest rocks at different points, to gaze around, whether 
by chance they could spy any part of the country free from 
ice and fit for habitation, but nowhere was any such spot to 
be seen, except in the parts already built over, which followed 
the coast line. All ranges and all the valleys were covered 
with ice.'*^ The Norsemen in their cattle-breeding acquired 
" a very fair idea of the character of the interior of Green- 
land,"^ and their chase of polar bears and other marine 
animals made them thoroughly familiar with the conditions 
of the ice-bound coast. The King's Mirror describes the ice 
in the sea as eight to ten feet thick, and as smooth as if it 
had frozen then and there. The ice reaches four or five days* 
journey from the land, and more towards the E. or N.E. than 
towards the S. or S.W. Every sailor bound for the land 
must therefore sail S.W. and S. until he has passed every likely 
track of icebergs, and then he must set his course direct 
for land.* But many mariners have sailed for the shore too 
soon, and have been frozen up in the icebergs. They owed 
their safety, as eye-witnesses have informed us, solely to the 
fact that they took to the small boats, and dragged them 
along the ice towards their goal, but the large vessel, with 
its cargo, had to be abandoned as a complete wreck. Some 
have even had to encamp four or five days on the ice, of even 

(i) "Resumd des communications sur le Groeniand," Meddelelsery 
XVI. 487, etc, 

(2) ^^ Mindesin,^'^ III. 330, etc, 

(3) Supan's review of Nansen's Paa ski over Gronland, " PetermanrCs 
Mitteilungen^^ XXXVII., 1891, L. B. n. 1858. See also the interesting 
paper of Rink on the historic development of the knowledge of the inland 
ice in Greenland, ^^ PetermanrCs Mitteilungen^^ XXXVI., 1890, 200, etc, 

(4) It must briefly be noted how important is this passage as confirming 
the previous answers on the position of the eastern district. 

(5) ^^Mindesmy III. 315, 317. 


We are involuntarily reminded, in reading this graphic 
account in the King's Mirror^ of the tragic fate of the second 
German Polar Expedition,^ and of the still more tragic fate 
of Marcus Voss, who in 1777-177^ had to spend some 55 
days on icebergs.^ 

Considerable interest attaches to the observations on the 
position of the ice. " At times the sea remains motionless, 
and at times it moves so quickly that it passes on like a ship 
in a fair wind, and not only with the wind, but against the 
wind, when it comes to a gale/' The icebergs tower above 
the level ice " like rocks above the sea," and do not unite 
with the surface ice.^ The inhabitants of Greenland took 
even more interest in the living occupants of the sea than 
in the state of the ice. The King's Mirror gives full details 
of the varied species of whales and fishes.^ We are rnore 
interested in the account of " the bears, which are white, and 
are supposed to be born there'*; the white bears, in contra- 
distinction to the Norwegian " black bear, which lives in the 
forests, and eats horses, cows, and other domestic animals, 
remain generally on the ice, and catch seals and whales, on 
which they live. They are just as skilled in swimming as 
these animals." We shall see later how large a part " the 
white bears" play in the earliest Italian maps of the far 
north, and in connection with a kind of white falcon. We 
may here note what a point the King's Mirror makes of 
" the white falcons " of Greenland, which " elsewhere are con- 
sidered a great luxury."^ Of the other fauna of Greenland, 
the King's Mirror only enumerates the JPolar hare and fox, 

(i) " Zweite deutsche Nordpolfahrt^^ p. 72, etc. 

(2) Gaa, XXXVI, 1900, 170 175, ^^ Eine Uberwinterung im gronldnd- 
ischen Eisineer^ Anno 1777- 1778." 

(3) ^' Mindes7nJ^ III, 317, and the evidence of later authors, p. 379, 
n. 64. 

(4) L. c, p. 319, etc. Torfaus, ^'' Gronlandia^^ p. 87-97, estimates 29 
species of whales, according to the " King's MirrorJ^ 

(5) ^^ Mindesm.'^ Ill, ^s^. According to Fr. Kunstmann, ^^Entdeckung 
Amerikas^'' p. 34, white falcons from the islands north of Iceland were 
sold to the Sultan of Egypt for 1000 pieces of gold, if alive, and 500, if 
dead. For white falcons and their use in the chase, see Alw. Schultz, 
"Z>^j hojische Leben zur Zeit der Minnesdnger^^ I, 1889, p. 473, etc., also 
his references to the work of the Emperor Frederick II., *' Dearte veitandi 
cuvi avibus^^ and Albert the Great, " De falconibus?^ On mediaeval 
Italian maps we find such legends as these : tlic sunt ursi albi et cotnedunt 

pisces crudos (Dalorto, 1339) ; inulty albi ursi et guifalci et alia animalia 
(Bianco, 1436). 


and the reindeer, of which there were a very large number.^ 
Ivar Bardsson also mentions "the extraordinary numbers of 
white bears, with a red spot on their heads, and the white 
falcons," but he devotes special attention to the herds of 
cows, sheep and goats, which, together with fishing, formed 
the chief support of the people of Greenland.^ 

We learn from the Book of Hauk that all the better class 
of farmers in Greenland kept their large and small boats for 
fishing.^ The " NorSrseta," 72° N. Lat, was especially famous 
as a good spot for catching seals. 

The Book of Hauk gives a full description of the pre- 
paration and preservation of seal blubber, and lays due stress 
on the point, which was of such importance to Greenland,, 
that the northern country takes all "the drift-wood, which 
comes down from the bays of Markland." We have two very 
interesting accounts of the most northerly point reached by 
these hardy fishermen. In 1266, the Norse adventurers 
reached a very high latitude, and came on traces of the 
" Skralingers." On receipt of this news, the priests in Green- 
land sent a vessel to make further enquiries. The first traces 
corresponding with the description of the hunters were found 
in Kroksfjar^arhei'Si. No Skralingers were to be found here, 
so the explorers pushed on further north. A strong southerly 
wind began to blow when the ship was out of sight of land. 
In the sudden darkness the ship was perforce left to drift. 
After the storm came sunshine, and then several islands were 
visible, but the number of polar bears kept the adventurers 
from landing. They found no Skralingers, but fresh traces 
of their former sojourn in those parts.* The undaunted 
explorers steered southwards for three whole days, and dis- 
covered more islands and more traces of Skralingers. After 
a hard day's work at the oar, they came once more, on St. 
James's Day, July 25, to Kr6ksfjar5arhei'Si. "There it froze 
at night, but the sun shone day and night. At noon the sun 
was so high that the shadow of the side of a ship facing the 

(i) '' Mmdesm." IIL 327. 

(2) Ivar Bardsson's Account in Major, " Voyages^^ p. 53, etc, 

(3) ''Mindesm:' III. 243. 

(4) The traces were ; the discovery of driftwood, which seemed to 
have been hewed with small axes, and which contained fragments of 
bones and teeth, and numerous signs of skralinger huts. Maurer, 
" Gronland^ p. 209, etc, 



sun fell on the face of a man lying stretched out in a six- 
oared boat at right angles to the side of the ship. At mid- 
night the sun was as high as it is with us [at Gardar], when 
it is in the north-west." 

This .remarkable account comes down to us from a con- 
temporary letter, written by Haldur, a priest in Greenland, to 
Arnald, court chaplain to King Magnus VI, of Norway.^ 
The different accounts enable us to reckon that Kr6ks- 
fjar^arhei^i was not on the coast of Greenland, but about 
Lat. 75° 46" N., round Lancaster Sound and Barrow Straits.^ 
A century before this, about 11 35, three other hardy Green- 
land navigators had penetrated to the island of Kingiktorsoak, 
one of the Lady Islands in Baffin's Bay, i.e. to Lat. 72° 55" N. 
A Runic stone, discovered in 1824, and recognised as genuine 
even by Justin Winsor,^ still informs the world that Erling, 
son of Sighvat, Bjarne, son of Thord, and Einridr, son of Odd, 
had penetrated to the spot, where the pillar stands, on the 
Saturday before St. George's Day, April 25.* 

During the 12th and 13th centuries the Norse adventurers 
also explored the east coasts. In one of their voyages, 1 194, 
they reached Svalbar^r or Svalbar^i,^ which Storm's searching 
investigations have proved to be Jan Mayen or Spitzbergen.* 
Nearly a century later, 1285, as we read in the Icelandic 
annals, Aldabrand and Thorvald, the sons of Helgi, dis- 
covered new land just opposite to Iceland, the Sandhill 
Islands.^ The sons of Helgi were thus, as Storm rightly 
notes, " The precursors of Nordenskiold, as they went through 
the Straits of Denmark to reach the land on the east coast."^ 

(i) '' Mindesm:' III. 238, etc, 883, etc, 

(2) Maurer, " Gronland^^ p. 210, and Mogk, ^^ Entdeckung^^ p. T^. 

(3) Winsor, ''History^' I. 66, etc, 

(4) ''Mindesmr III. 843, 883. 

(5) ''Mindesm:' III. 9. 

(6) Storm, '' Columbus i' p. 78; Ruge, '' Peterm, Mitt:' XL., 1894, 
L. B. no. 315. Before this Svalbar8r was looked upon as a part of the 
N.E. coast of Greenland : see Maurer, " Gronland^' p. 209. 

(7) ^*' MindesmP III. 13. Storm, ^^ Islandske Annaleri' 1285. 

(8) Storm, " Vinlandsreiseme^' P* 7i> ^ic. The Sandhill Isles were 
formerly reckoned a part of the east coast of the continent of America, 
Newfoundland (Maurer, " Gronlandy' p. 210). But the explorers started 
from Iceland, and Storm rightly emphasises the importance of "undan" 
=" ligeoverfor *'=opposite, at the same altitude, and of "obyg»ir''^ 
" ubygder "=virgin coasts, as a stock phrase for the east coast of 




The discoveries made by the Norsemen in the nth, I2th and 
13th centuries rendered it possible to draw a map of a part of { 
America (Greenland), long before the time of Columbus, and 
a map so accurate^ that a cartographer, to whom Norden- 
skiold showed a copy, stoutly maintained it to be " a forgery 
of the 19th century." 2 

Their devotion to fishery, cattle-breeding and hunting, did 
not give the men of Greenland any distaste for exploration 
by sea or land, and their intellectual development was not in 
the least stunted, for " in every respect the men of Greenland 
were the equals in brains of the men of Iceland." They per- 
petuated the story of their navigators just as in Iceland ; 
there were Sagas in Greenland as in Iceland. The Scald 
Helgi may be the author of the Saga in the Skdldhelgarimur. 
Various poems, such as the Hafger^ingadrdpUy the Nor^rse- 
tudrapa are here given, and chief of all the ballads of Atli, 
which are preserved in the Edda, the Scandinavian ballads of 
the fall of Gunther and Hagen, the Kings of Burgundy, and 
of the death of Attila.^ Great literary interest attaches to 
the Hafger^ingadrdpa and those portions of the Saga of 
Thorfinn Karlsefni, which relate to Greenland. To quote 
the Hafger^ingadrapa (The Song of the Sea) : " I entreat 
the Judge of the monks, the Spotless One, to favour my 
voyage ; may the Lord of the hall, the covering of the 
earth [the vault of heaven] hold over me the seat of the 
hawk [=His hand, for the falconer carries the hawk on his 

The poet was assuredly a monk, as we see from the prayer 
to " the Judge of the monks." The " Song of the Sea " was 
inspired by the terrors of the voyage to Greenland in 985. 
There are curious references to the pagan mythology, at the 
very beginning, " Oh listen all to the account of the goblet of 
Dvalin of the hall of the mountains of the lobster" [the 
dwarf of the sea-waves].^ The survival of paganism at the 
time of the transition to Christianity is very marked in the 
parts of the Thorfinn-Saga, which relate to Greenland. These 

(i) See the maps of Greenland in the Appendix, especially Plates II 
and IV. 

(2) Nordenskiold, " Forschungen^^ p. 44. 

(3) Mogk, '' Entdeckungi' p. 72. Paul, " Grundriss^' II. 88, also II, 
1 01, on i\it pdrsdrapa of the stubborn hunter of Greenland /^r^^//. 

(4) Maurer, " Bekehrung^^ I. 192. 

D 2 


portions also afford a striking example of the simple narrative 
of the Sagas, and a few lines from Maurer*s translation^ will 
not be out of place : " At that time there was in Greenland a 
lean year. The men who had sailed to the fishing grounds 
had hardly caught any fish, and some of the men never 
reached their homes again. There was a woman in the 
country, named Thorbjorg ; she was a wise woman, and they 
called her the little soothsayer. She was one of nine sisters, 
who were all wise women, but she was the only one still 
living. During the winter it was Thorbj org's custom to 
tramp the country in search of food, and she was generally 
an honoured guest with those who were most desirous of 
having their fortune told, or of learning the chances of a 
good crop. Now Thorkel was the biggest farmer in those 
parts, so it seemed most fitting for him to learn when this 
lean year would cease." According to the Saga the fortune- 
teller wore a dark blue cloak with clasps : " round her neck 
she wore glass beads, and on her head a cap of black lamb- 
skin, lined with black catskin. She carried a staff in her 
hand, on which was a knob, fastened with brass, and sur- 
rounded by precious stones. She wore a cork girdle round 
her waist with a large leathern purse, in which she kept her 
magic apparatus. Her shoes were of untanned calf-skin, with 
long straps and large buttons of tin. She wore gloves of cat- 
skin, which were white and furry inside." 

On the evening of the day after her arrival she wished to 
practice her magic arts, and begged her hosts to send her 
women, who knew the forms for the display of magic and the 
incantation of guardian spirits, but these women were not 
forthcoming, and search was made through the whole home- 
stead in quest of such. Then Gudrid said : " I am neither 
magician nor soothsayer, but I learnt a song from Haldis, my 
nurse, which she called the invocation of guardian angels." 
But as a Christian she would have no part in the magic in 
spite of Thorkel's appeals. At last when Thorbjorg suggested 
she might benefit others, without being a wicked woman, and 
Thorkel persisted in his entreaties, Gudrid changed her mind. 
" The women made a circle round the magic throne, on which 
Thorbj5rg sat, and Gudrid sang her song with such a sweet 
expression and tone, that the bystanders thought they had 

(i) Maurer ^^ Bekehrungi^ I. 445, etc. 


never heard a sweeter melody more sweetly sung. The wise 
woman thanked Gudrid and declared that many spirits were 
now present." Thorkel received his wish and was informed 
that the lean year would end with the winter, as would 
the plague. Gudrid was informed of her future greatness 
with no veiled hints, as would befit a prophecy after the 

The men of Greenland were in no whit behind the men 
of Iceland in the field of literature, and they would have 
surpassed not only them but all other Scandinavian or even 
non-Scandinavian nations in the practical arrangement of 
their dwelling-houses, could we but rely implicitly on the 
description of the Zenos. The elder Nicol6 Zeno seems in 
1380 to have met Dominicans in Greenland, who heated their 
church and their living rooms with the water of a hot spring. 
He describes the water as running boiling hot into the kitchen, 
so that the food was cooked without using a fire. Dough was 
set in copper pots, and baked as well as in a well-heated oven. 
They grew flowers, fruit, and several kinds of vegetables in 
greenhouses. They could increase or lessen the heat of a 
room, by letting in more boiling water or by opening a window. 
Nordenskiold was misled by the description of a similar hot 
water apparatus, an unheard of luxury in the 14th century,^ 
but we can understand all this now that we know that the 
younger Zeno compiled his account from widely different 
sources about the year 1558! In the 1 6th century such 
contrivances were not unknown. Lucas quotes similar places 
and descriptions from Olaus Magnus,^ and Storm^ refers to the 
appendices to the " Beschreibimg Norwegens und Islands^' to 
which Jelic first called attention. These date from the 15th 
century, and give an account of the Dominicans in Norway : 

(i) ''^ Forschungen^'' p. 1 1, etc.^ 59. See also the account by the Zenos 
in Lucas, " The Annals ^^ ?• i^j ^ic. and Appx. I. 

(2) id. p. 74, f. 

(3) " Nye Efterretninger^^ p. 404, etc. Storm, p. 406, rightly observes 
that the appendices could not, as Jeli(5 supposes, support Zeno's account, 
but pointed to his fountain head, and the fantastic way in which he had 
handled his information. It is interesting to note the cynical manner in 
which Alexander von Humboldt(" /r^jw^j," II. 130, Cottars edition^ 1847, 
and " Examen critique de Phistoire de la g^ographie ") treats the Zenos' 
description of the hot water apparatus and the greenhouses. It is idle to 
dissect further tbe fanciful story of the younger Zeno, after Storm's " Om 
Zeniernes reiser''^ and ^''Nye Efterretninger^'^ and Lucas's " Annals.^'' We 
shall refer later on to the map drawn by the younger Zeno about 1558. 


" The brethren, who Hve there [in Norway], have in their 
houses stoves, which they often light, and they bring the hot 
water in secret pipes to a cold hall, where the brethren take 
their meals, and they make it pass between the benches and 
their seats, or else they could hardly stand [the cold]." 

There was, however, no Dominican monastery in Green- 
land, as the Zenos would have us believe, but only a monas- 
tery of SS. Olaf and Augustine, belonging to the regular 
canons of the Augustine order, and a convent of the Bene- 
dictine order.^ In fact, the ruins in Greenland only point to 
the low ebb of art and industry in Greenland. Nordenskiold 
is wrong in affirming the absence of all ancient ruins.^ The 
antiquities alone from the ruins, group no. 2, Tingimiut, 
amount to 154, according to Boye, and at group no. 66, 
Kagsiarsuk, at the Igaliko-Fjord, to 178.^ There are a sur- 
prisingly large number of pieces of small and large vessels of 
steatite. Their Norse origin is clear from the Runic signs ; it 
may be single marks indicating the owner's initials, or frag- 
ments of inscriptions. There is a shuttle with the unfinished 
inscription " Olaf,'' and a longer inscription in Runic characters.* 
The crosses on the steatite are often the St. Andrew's cross, 
or the Latin cross, or often a square cross. The most remark- 
able ornamentation is on a small piece of steatite, on which a 
human figure is chiselled, and the fragment of a handmill 
with romanesque ornaments.^ The greater part of the Green- 
land antiquities are of steatite ; only one piece of flint, a 
rarity in Greenland, has been discovered up to now, and a 
few pieces of whetstones made of sandstone. It is not sur- 
prising to find so few articles in metal, as all intercourse 
with Europe, ceased in the 15th century. Of iron there are 
nails and bolts, three knives, a chimney-hook, and a padlock 
and key. There are only a few bronze articles, a piece of the 
head of a church bell. One piece of terra-cotta has been 
found ; only one piece of leather and woollen-stuff. There 

(i) Maurer, ^*' Gronland^^ p. 217, with list of authorities. 

(2) Nordenskiold (" Periplus^^ p. 83) held that the remains of early 
settlements on the west coast of Greenland showed no traces of Scan- 
dinavian antiquities, but Ruge did not refute this theory in his review of 
the ''Peripius'' {^''Deutsche Geogr, Blatter^' XXIII. 1899, 183), though 
Storm will not accept it all in his review. 

(3) '' Meddeleher^' XVI. 438, etc, 

(4) id. p. 442, etc.^ 448, 450, 456, etc, 

(5) id. p. 452, 455. 


are various articles in bone, a piece of a comb and some 

The barrels, cups, pots, and other pieces of crockery in 
steatite were probably finished and ornamented with a knife. 
A piece of some length was first cut out, on which the cross- 
pieces were laid, as we see in the illustrations {Meddelelser^ 
XVI. 446). The holes were usually made with a knife, but 
some were evidently bored, as in the shuttles, which are very 
common, and are pointed or smooth ; three show ornamenta- 
tion {ib. p. 442, 446, 447). Several vessels or bowls bear on 
the edge or the base spur-shaped projections, which were 
either handles or feet (ib. p. 444). Many pieces of pottery 
are bored with iron needles or wire, which suggests needle- 
work. There are quantities of pebbles with holes in the 
centre, which were either weights for weaving or for weight- 
ing the fishing nets. The pieces of vessels with holes had 
apparently also served as weights, and many have been worn 
away by the action of water, so that they must have been 
used to secure the nets. 

It would take too long to give a detailed account of all 
the antiquities.^ We may note, however, that Boye gives 
375 articles found in the five groups of ruins nos. 2, 20, 39, 47 
and (A? Further excavations would no doubt produce much 
of value, but it would be a great thing if the church ruins and 
their neighbourhood could be thoroughly examined, together 
with the ruins of the two convents. Only two of the four 
churches of the western settlement, and only five of the 
twelve in the eastern settlement, have been located and par- 
tially examined. The churches are on an average 48 to 60 
feet long, 24 feet broad, and are built of very large and well 
selected stones.* 

Much anthropological interest attaches to the churchyards 
of the churches of Kagsiarsuk on the Igaliko-Fjord (group of 
ruins no. 66), and Ikigait (group no. iii). In Kagsiarsuk 
churchyard, a little below the surface, several bodies were 
found between large stones, piled one on the other, as in a 

(i) ^^ Meddelelser^^ XVI. p. 493, etc.^ and the illustrations, p. 453, etc, 

(2) In ^^ Meddelelseri^ VI. 138-143, there is a list of Oldsager. 

(3) '' Meddelelser^' XVI. 438, etc. 

(4) id. VI. 211. The cathedral church of Gardar covers about 74 
feet in length (" Medd:' XVI. 491). 



family vault, the head facing west, and the body bent. No 
coffin or winding-sheets were found. But in Ikigait several 
bodies were found at a great depth, buried in coffins without 
lids, fastened together with wooden nails. The bodies were 
wrapped in brown woollen cloth. Some small crosses of 
carved wood were also discovered in these coffins.^ It is to 
be hoped that due attention will be paid to authropological 
interests in any future excavations. 

(i) " Meddelelser," V\. 211. 


Zbc most recent accreWteS feistorfcal account of tbc 
J'ate of tbe Horse Colontes in Snierfca. 

IHE history of Wineland ends with the prob- 
ably ill-fated mission voyage of Bishop Eric 
in 1 1 2 1 . " Bishop Eric set out from Green- 
land in quest of Wineland," and "Bishop 
Eric went in search of Wineland," is the 
meagre report of the Icelandic annals for 
the year ri2i,' which has given rise to many ideas and start- 
ling theories as to the bishopric of Wineland. Lyschander 
gave a poetic turn to this account in his Greenland Chronicle 
of 1609, where he makes Bishop Eric transplant " both people 
and religion" to Wineland ("plandtet paa Vinland baade 
Folck oc Tro ")." 

Torfaus and Rafn shared this view, so we can scarcely be 
surprised at the dictum of Gravier : Eric refused the bishopric 
of Gardar from his mission in Wineland, and his decision 
reached Greenland in 1122, thus showing the progress of 
Christianity in America, and the assured future of a colony 
whose prelate preferred to link his fortunes with those of his 
new home.^ We agree with Storm in his protest^ against the 
assertion that the authorities make no mention whatever of 
, and " Mindesin!' 

Kildeme til 
"Aar6. for Nord. Oldk. 

(i) " Islandske Annater," ed, G. Storm, t 

(z) Storm, " Vinlandsreiseme" p. 27, 
Lyschanders Gronlandske Chronica^' p. 14, etc., ' 
og Hist." 1888, p. 210, etc. 

(3) Gravier, " Dicouverte de PAiiiMque^ p. i56, etc. Moosmiiller, 
" Europder in Amerika," p. 54, etc. 

(4) Jelifi, ^'' L'^ang^lisation" p. 172, etc. thinks that Eric's activity 
in the mission field bore "great fruit." 'N. Knotel, " A Hard is" thinks 
that there were both bishops and priests in Wineland. See Ruge, " Beitrag 
lur Verirrung der Gehkrsamkeit^' Peterm. Milleil. 1895, L. B. no. 60. 
M. Shipley, " The Missing records of the Norse discovery of America^' 
thinks thai there must be in the Vatican documents letaling to Eric, first 
Bishop of Wineland. 


the landing in Wineland of Bishop Eric. He certainly started 
from Greenland to discover Wineland ; as to whether he 
found it we have no information. His " refusal " of the 
Greenland bishopric is also wrapped in obscurity. We do 
know for certain that a year or two after the departure of 
Eric the people of Greenland endeavoured to obtain a per- 
manent bishop, and that in 1124 they received Arnold, who 
established his see in Gardar. But we have no official state- 
ment of any preferment refused by Eric in Wineland. He 
went in search of Wineland, to preach the Gospel, but we do 
not even learn that he made a single convert, nor have we 
any grounds for theories on this point. 

Since the time of Rafn the stock argument relied upon has 
always been the alleged Norse remains at Newport, Rhode 
Island. The " Norse tower " has no scientific standing, being 
but the remains of a windmill, built about 1670- 1680, by 
Governor Arnold. This is even admitted by Horsford,^ 
though his main object was at all costs to prove the exist- 
ence, on the mainland of America, of a permanent Norse 
colony. Scientists are all agreed, but Horsford makes it 
unusually clear, even to a layman, when he gives an illustra- 
tion of the prototype of the Norse ruins, the windmill at 
Chesterton, Arnold's home in England. Horsford, to his great 
credit, is equally sincere in recognising the Dighton Rock 
inscription as an Indian picture writing, misinterpreted though 
it still is in so many popular descriptions, and he gives a very 
striking illustration.^ This is all the more to Horsford's 
credit, as other Norse enthusiasts have not scrupled to declare 
the Dighton Rock inscription to be Runic, and then to pro- 
ceed to claim as Norse Runic inscriptions a number of other 
Indian inscriptions. "Such premisses," Mallery justly ob- 
serves, " would bring the Vikings as far west as Ohio and 
Western Virginia."^ No further doubt could possibly remain 

(i) ^''Discovery of America^'* p. 26. Horsford has made repeated 
attempts to prove the existence of his alleged Norse colony at Norum- 
bega {see Bibliography], but we need not examine them in detail, as 
" Horsford's fruitless labours " have been thoroughly dealt with by De 
Costa and Gel5ich. Winsor, " /^/j/. of Amer?^ III. 184-218, especially 
pp. 184, note 3, 195 and 214. ' GelCich, "Z«r Geschichte^^ p. 162, etc, 
S. Ruge, ^^ Peterm, MitteiV^ 1890, L. B. no. 1665, ^^94, L. B. no. 316. 
J. B. Shipley, " On some points" who ridicules Horsford's attempts. 

(2) Horsford, ^^ Discovery," p. 24, etc, Winsor, ^^Hist" I. 100, etc, 

(3) G. Mallery, ^' Picture-writing" p. 764, and particularly p. 762, 


after an inspection of the numerous illustrations, which fill 
more than 200 pages of Mallery's book on Indian pictorial 
inscriptions. To make certainty even more certain, I referred 
to my Icelandic friend, the Runic scholar, Dr. Sveinson, for his 
opinion on the Dighton rock inscription. He consulted his 
learned colleague. Dr. Finnur Gudmondsson, and wrote me 
word that Rafn's theory of a Runic origin for the Dighton 
Rock inscription was quite untenable. The Scandinavian 
authority. Dr. Zoffler, is no less decided. It is certainly not 
Norse, but without doubt of Indian origin.^ 

This so-called "unimpeachable evidence"^ of the colonisa- 
tion of Wineland by the Norsemen has no more weight than 
the statements of the Mexican MSS., and the religious in- 
scriptions or the Christian customs of the Porte- Croix Indians, 
which made such an impression on the Roman Catholic mis- 
sionaries of the 17th century, or the popular adoration of the 
Cross, or the Latin books of the King of Estotiland, mentioned 
in the Zeno narrative. Mexican MSS. or inscriptions, or any 
other early Mexican remains, give the barest support to any 
traces of Christianity in America before the time of Columbus, 
and make no mention whatever of any conversion by Bishop 
Eric. This has been proved to be an absolute fact by the 
strict investigation of late years.^ The worship of the Cross 
is no proof that Christianity came to America before the time 
of Columbus. This is evident from the work published by 
the Roman Catholic Missions on the pre-Christian crosses in 
Mexico and Central America. Due emphasis is there laid 

where the explanations of this inscription in " originally Algonquian 
characters" are arranged in a somewhat comical juxtaposition. See 
^"^ North American Indian Pictographs^^ pp. 3-256, also E. Holden, 
" Central America Picture-writing^^ 1881. 

(i) E. Loeffler, " Vineland Excursions'^ p. 70. 

(2) Moosmiiller, " Europder in Afnerika'^ p. 132, etCy shows the inter- 
pretation formerly put upon the Dighton Rock inscription. E. R^clus, 
^^ Nouv, Geogr, Univy^V, 1890, 12. R. B. Anderson, ^^ America not 
discoveredy^ 4th edn., p. 129, etc, 

(3) JeliC, ^^ L dvangdlisation^^ p. 172, quotes from the Mexican MSS., 
giving a letter of Aubin of June 19, 1839 (" M^m de la Soc, roy, des ant. 
du Nordy^ 1840-43, pp. 9-12). For the other side see Ch. Rau, ^'' Anales 
cUl Mus, Nac, de Mex,^^ II. 1882, pp. 159, etc^ 166, etc. For these 
references I am indebted to the Vatican Librarian, Dr. Ehrle, who has 
recently assured me both orally and by letter that no trace of any Christian 
influence appears in the Mexican MSS., in spite of recent careful research. 
This agrees with K. Haebler's investigations, "Z>/> Religion des mittL 
Amer.f 1889. 


on the fact that the Cross is also found in other parts of the 
world as a sacred symbol with pre-Christian nations, and 
that cogent reasons point to the independent development 
of this symbol in America.^ The still more remarkable 
Christian customs of the Porte -Croix Indians in the i6th 
century must, as Storm says, more naturally be attributed to 
the influence of French missionaries, whose activity began at 
least a century earlier in those parts.^ The younger Zeno 
mentions a fisherman as having seen " Latin books " in the 
library of Estotiland, an island used by Zeno as the scene of 
his romance, but we need hardly refute this statement, for 
Zeno*s account, as we have said before, deserves no credit as 
an historical authority. 

It would be tedious to demolish one by one the arguments 
advanced in favour of a permanent colonisation of Wineland. 
Gelcich disposed of most of these arguments some years ago,^ 
and we will only specify one or two, which the material at the 
disposal of Gelcich did not enable him to dispose of once and 
for all. " There is," we read in Gelcich, " a Bull of Martin IV., 
1282, which states that the tithes in Greenland were paid in 
kind, ox-hides, seal-skins, and walrus-tusks. It was generally 
believed that cattle were not fourid in Greenland, and Jelic 
therefore conjectures that these gifts came from Wineland."^ 
The conclusion would not be so far wrong if the premises that 
" it was generally believed that cattle were not found in 
Greenland " ^ were only correct. Gelcich advances nothing to 
the contrary ; but the recent excavations prove beyond all 
possible doubt that the Norsemen must have bred cattle in 
very considerable numbers. The kitchen-middens contain 
to-day numbers of bones of a diminutive breed of cattle, and 
every important homestead is covered with ruins of cow- 
stalls. They were at times over 210 feet long, including the 

(i) ''Kath. Miss.;' 1893, p. 201, etc. Parry, '' Sacred Symbols'' H;' Bull 
Amer. Geogr. Soc") XXVI. 1894. Winsor, ''^ Hist." I. 191, etc. 

(2) Storm, '-''Nye Efter." p. 395. ;. 

(3) E. Geli^ich, "Z«r Geschichte^' pp. 153-221. 

(4) id. p. 183. 

(5) ]t\\^y^''Vdvang^lisation;' ^. 175, asserts this unhesitatingly : "On 
sait, qu'il n'y avait pas de boeufs dans le Greenland . . . Cela se conclut 
avec certitude de I'examen des sources." 

(6) Bruun, '' MeddeV XVI. 489. 


The result of the excavations bears out in every particular 
the early MS. authorities, the Saga of Eric the Red, the 
" King's Mirror,'' the account of Ivar Bardsson, and the Bull 
of Alexander VI., first discovered by Jelic, which describes 
Greenland as a country so barren of bread and oil that the 
inhabitants have to be content with dry fish and milk.^ Two 
other arguments in favour of a Norse colony in Wineland are 
based upon the alleged martyrdom of Bishop John of Ireland, 
and on the discovery of a costly bowl of mazer-wood among the 
gifts of the diocese of Gardar in 1327. I have elsewhere 
shown that Bishop John (* 1066) did not meet his death in 
Wineland the Good but among the Wends,^ and that the 
costly bowl, made of cocoanut-wood, and not of mazer-wood, 
did not form part of the tithes of the diocese of Gardar in 
Greenland, but of the diocese of Skara in Sweden.^ 

The history of the voyages to Wineland ends at the year 
1 121, and all arguments hitherto brought forward in support 
of a permanent colonisation of Wineland by the Norsemen 
have proved to be fallacious, but the authenticated accounts 
of Markland extend further back. In 1347 we read in the 
Icelandic annals : " A ship came from Greenland to Straums- 
fjord ; it sailed to Markland [det havde faret til Markland], 
but later it was driven in here [to Iceland] over the sea. 
There were eighteen men m the crew.^'^ The use of the 
words " faret til," or " sogt til," as Storm rightly remarks, 
expressly implies that the goal of the ship was Markland, 
and that it actually had reached its destination. On the 
voyage home the ship was wrecked, and was thus obliged to 
put in at Iceland. The object of the expedition was not 
given. But we may conjecture that the ship had sailed to 

(i) The actual words are : Ob defectum panis, vini et olei siccis 
piscibus et lacte uti consueverunt, JeliC, ^^ Vdvang^ltsatioHy^ p. 183. I do 
not understand why Jeli5, p. 175, note 7, appears to rely on this Bull to 
prove the contrary. Milk infers cattle, as Storm, ^^Efter,^^ p. 375, has 
also noticed. 

(2) Fischer, '''' Bischof Johannes^^ {Jnnsbrucker TheoL Zeitschr, XXIV.) 

(3) Fischer, ^^ Die Bedeutung des Ciphus^'' 1900. I am indebted to 
Dr. iC. Uhlirz, Keeper of the Archives in Vienna, who kindly wrote to me 
to confirm me in my view that the "nux ultramarina" must be a cocoanut 
imported from the Levant. Dr. Uhlirz gives a parallel in the case of the 
"vergulten memus," bequeathed in 1432 by a citizen of Vienna to 
St. Stephen's Church. See his " Verzeichnis der Originalurkunden^^ 
II. 105, no. 2393. 

(4) *'^ Mindesmr 11. 14, etc. Storm, ^^ Annaler^^ for 1347. 


the " Wood Land," to fetch a cargo of timber, though against 
this must be set the express statement of the Skalholt Annals, 
that this particular ship was "less in size" than the other 
vessels, which arrived at Iceland in 1347. Storm accordingly 
conjectures that the Icelanders went on a fishery expedition 
to Markland, yet he does not venture to assert that they 
reached Newfoundland Bank.^ In favour of this conjecture 
is the fact that the advance of the Eskimos had spoilt the 
best fishing-grounds at Nor^rseta, and so had compelled the 
men of Greenland to find new grounds, and it is quite pos- 
sible that tradition in Greenland pointed to the coast of 
Markland. Whatever may have been the magnet to draw 
the ill-fated sailors to Markland, one thing is certain : Mark- 
land was still known in Greenland in the middle of the 14th 
century, and in Iceland, men, both in conversation and in lite- 
rature, treated Markland as a country of common knowledge.^ 
The Icelandic Annals mention no later voyages to Hellu- 
land, but the " Stone Land " plays a more important part in 
Saga and romance, though its position is altered at will. 
The early historical Sagas and the early geographers placed 
Helluland to the south of West Greenland, while the later 
romantic Sagas placed it on the north-east of Greenland, near 
Bjarmeland (Russia), or Finnmark, and Jonas Gudmund 
accordingly set Helluland north-east of Greenland in his map 
published about 1650.^ Bjorn of SkardzA tried to reconcile 
the ancient and the modern Sagas, and propounded a theory 
of two Hellulands, the larger north-east of Greenland, and 
the smaller south-west. To make confusion worse con- 
founded, Rafn retained the two Stone Lands as defined by 
Bjorn, but altered their position, in defiance of all the author- 
ities and of his own champion SkardzA, to the parts of 
America lying south-west of Greenland, making the larger 
Helluland {Helluland hit mikld) Labrador, and the smaller 
Helluland {Helluland hit litld) Newfoundland. Rafn*s au- 
thority gave a wide circulation to this gratuitous assumption.^ 

(i) Storm, " Vinlandsreiserne^^ p. TZ- 

(2) I shall show later that this voyage to Markland in 1347 may have 
had some influence on the cartographical representation of America as 
known to the Norsemen. 

(3) " Delineatio Gronlandiae lonae GudmuncU^^ in Torfaeus, " Vin- 
landia^^ tab. III. 

(4) Moosmiiller, ^^ Europder in Afnerika^^ p. 106, etc, K. Wilhelmi, 
*•*• Island^ Hvitramannaland^^ etc, 1842. 


I may add that, owing to this, Rafn was enabled to place 
Wineland much further to the south.^ 

We know next to nothing of the fate of the traditional) 
Norse colonies on the continent of America, but we are better' 
informed as to the colonies in Greenland. The eighteen 
sailors who, in 1 347, were driven by stress of weather from 
Markland to Iceland, made their way to Greenland via 
Norway, according to the Icelandic Annals. No immediate 
connection appears to have then existed between Iceland 
and Greenland.^ The royal merchant vessel, the " Knorr," 
kept up communication between Bergen and Greenland, but 
at irregular intervals. In 1346, we read in the Icelandic 
Annals, the " Knorr " left Greenland, a dependency of Nor- 
way since 1261,^ "with a large cargo, and in good condi- 
tion,"* for Bergen, but did not return to Greenland till 1355. 
A copy of a royal decree shows that extraordinary precau- 
tions were taken for this voyage.* A regular expedition 
was organized under Paul Knutsson. The avowed object 
was " the preservation of Christianity in Greenland/' and its 
corollary, "Death to the Eskimos."® The exact date of the 
return of the " Knorr " is unknown ; Storm thinks it was in 
1363 or 1364, when Ivar Bardsson, who so long administered 
the diocese of Gardar, first came to the front in Norway.^ 

Ivar gives us definite news of the tragic end of the western 
colony. The King's deputy had commissioned him to make 
a military display in the direction of this colony, " to disperse 
the Eskimos.*' But on his arrival " he found not one human 
being, either Christian or pagan, but only sheep and cattle 
run wild. As many of these were transported on board as 
the vessels would hold, and then he returned home [to 
Gardar]."® In 1379, according to the Icelandic Annals: 
" The men of Skraling attacked the men of Greenland, killed 

(i) Storm, " Vinlandsreiserne^^ p. 37, etc, 

(2) Maurer, " Gronland^^ p. 228, etc, 

(3) id. p. 227. 

(4) ^^ Mindesm,^^ III. 14, etc. Storm, ^^ Annaler^^ for the year 1346. 

(5) A further ground of delay may be found in the ravages of the 
Black Death {'^ Mindesm:^ III. 15, etc!), 

(6) ^^ Mindesm,^^ III. 121, etc. Storm accepts the royal command as 
genuine, " Vinlandsreis^^ p. 73, etc. Maurer, p. 228, note 3, thinks it 
** somewhat apocryphal," yet it agrees with the report of Ivar. 

(7) Storm, " Vinlandsreis^^ p. 74. 

(8) Ivar^s Report, see Major, " Voyages^^ p. 53. 


1 8, and captured two boys, whom they made slaves."^ 
Probably this is a fresh attack on the part of the Eskimos, 
whose predatory instincts were soon to make havoc in the 
eastern settlement. The disaster was probably hastened by 
the increase in the number of shipwrecks in the following 
years. In 1367 the "Knorr** was shipwrecked to the north 
of Bremen. In 1392, a kind of " black death " visited Norway, 
and in 1393, "thirteen German battleships appeared before 
Bergen." Both sides lost a number of men, but at last the 
town was captured and looted. The bulky plunder was sunk 
at sea, but all ships and anchors were taken away.^ 

Greenland was deeply interested in the fate of Bergen, as 
this city was the staple of trade for that country. Subsequent 
to the destruction of Bergen, we do not hear of any voyage 
of the " Knorr " to Greenland. 1406 is the last date given in 
the Icelandic Annals for the arrival of a foreign vessel in 
Greenland, when Thorstein Helmingson, Snorri Torfeson and 
Thorgrimr Solveson were wrecked on a voyage from Norway 
to Iceland. Not till four years later did Thorgrimr and his 
companions reach Norway. These men are the authority 
for the last mention in the Icelandic Annals of Greenland. 
The wife of Thorgrimr was bewitched and betrayed by one 
Kolgrlmr through means of the black art. The magician 
expiated his crimes on the scaffold, after due trial, in 1407. 
In the next year a marriage between Thorstein Olafsson and 
Sigri^r Bjornsdottir was concluded at Hvalsey,^ and this is 
noted in three existing documents.^ 

The account in the Icelandic Annals of the last communi- 
cation with Greenland, in the early part of the 15th century 
agrees in all respects with the latest historical account at the 
end of that century. Jelic was fortunate enough to discover 
this important document, which dates from the first year of 
the Papacy of Alexander VI, 1492-93, or the year of the 
discovery of America by Columbus.* The people of Green- 

(i) ^^ Mindesfn,^^ III. 33. Storm, ^^ Annaler^^ for the year 1379. 

(2) ^^ Mtndesfn.^^ III. 37, etc. Maurer, p. 229, etc. According to Storm, 
" Vitaliebrodrenes plyndringstog til Bergen^^ 1393 \^^ Nord. Hist. Tidskr.^^ 
sen 3, fasc. 4], the invasion took place in the spring of 1393. The second 
supposed invasion of 1395 is only due to a mistake in the date by Korner. 

(3) ^^ Mindesm,^^ III. 41. Storm, *^ Annater" for the years 1406, etc. 

(4) Maurer, p. 230. ^^Mindesm." III. 148, 152, 156. 

(5) Jelic, *^ L^A/ang^/isation" p. 183, etc. Hey wood, ^^ Documenta 


land seem to have been so poor that they eked out a bare 
existence on dry fish and milk. The ice prevented them from 
communicating with other countries, and for eighty years no 
ship had touched at any port in Greenland. The inhabitants 
were without all spiritual consolations, no bishop or priest 
lived among them, and many had relapsed into paganism. 

selectUy^ p. 12. Storm, ^^ Efterretninger^^ p. 407, etc. The exceptional 
importance of the documents justifies its reproduction in full : " Cum, ut 
accepimus, ecclesia Gadensis in fine mundi sita in terra Gronlandie, in qua 
homines commorantes ob defectum panis et olei siccis piscibus et lacte 
uti consueverunt ; et ob id ac propter rarissimas navigationes ad dictam 
terram causantibus intensissimis aquarum congelationibus fieri solitas 
navis aliqua ab ottuaginta annis non creditur applicuisse ; et si naviga- 
tiones huiusmodi fieri contingeret profecto has non nisi mense augusti 
congelationibus ipsis resolutis fieri posse non existimentur ; et propterea 
eidem ecclesie similiter ab ottuaginta annis vel circa nullus penitus 
episcoporum vel presbyterorum apud illam personaliter residendo pre- 
fuisse dicitur. Unde ac propter presbyterorum catholicorum absentiam 
evenit quamplurimos dioecesanos olim catholicos sacrum per eos bap- 
tisma susceptum, proh dolor ! re[ne]g(e)asse,« et quod incole eiusdem 
terre in memoriam christiane religionis non habent nisi quoddam corpo- 
rale, quod semel in anno presentetur, super quo ante centum annos ab 
ultimo sacerdote tunc ibidem existente corpus Christi fuit consecratum. 

" His igitur et aliis consideratis concidefandis, felicis recordationis 
Innocentius papa VIII. predecessor noster, volens dicte ecclesie tunc 
pastoris solatio destitute deutili [et] ydoneo pastore providere, de fratrum 
suorum consilio, de quorum numero tunc eramus, venerabilem fratrem 
nostrum Mathiam electum Gadensem ordinis sancti Benedicti de ob- 
servantia professum ad nostram instantiam, dum adhuc in minoribus 
constituti eramus, proclamatum ad dictam ecclesiam summopere ac 
magno devotionis fervore accensum pro deviatorum et renegatorum 
mentibus ad viam salutis eteme reducendis et erroribus huiusmodi 
eradicandis vitam suam periculo permaximo sponte et libere submic- 
tendo navigio etiam personaliter proficisci intendentem eidem episcopum 
prefecit et pastorem. Nos igitur eiusdem electi pium et laudabilem(!) 
propositum in Domino quamplurimum commendantes sibique in pre- 
missis aliquo subventionis auxilio propterea eius paupertati, qua ut 
similitur accepimus gravatus existit, succurrere cupientes, motu proprio 
et etiam ex certa nostra scientia de fratrum nostrorum consilio et 
assensu, dilectis filiis rescribendario, abbreviatoribus necnon sollicita- 
toribus ac plumbatoribus illarumque registratoribus ceterisque tam 
Cancellarie quam Camere nostre apostolice officialibus quibuscumque 
sub excommunicationis late sententie pena ipso facto incurrenda com- 
mictimus et mandamus, ut omnes et singulas litteras apostolicas de et 
super promotione dicte ecclesie Gadensis pro dicto Electo expediendas 
in omnibus et singulis eorum ofiiciis gratis ubique pro dicto absque 
cuiuscumque taxe solutione seu exactione expediant et expediri faciant 
omni contradictione cessante. Necnon Camere apostolice clericis et 
notariis ut litteras seu bullas huiusmodi dicto Electo absque solutione 
seu exactione alicuius annate seu minutorum servitiorum et aliorum 
iurium quorumcumque in similibus solvi solitorum libere tradant et 
consignent,.motu et scientia similibus ac sub penis predictis commicti- 
mus et mandamlis in contrarium facientes non obstantibus quibuscumque 
fiat gratis ubique quia pauperum etc. 

" Datum . . . (Anno primo)." 

a Mscr.: regeasse. 


The faithful had no other token of the Christian reh'gion than 
the corporal, on which a century before the body of our Lord 
had been consecrated by the last of the priests. Once a year 
this corporal was exhibited for adoration. Innocent VIII 
endeavoured to supply the needs of the people of Greenland, 
and on the nomination of Cardinal Borgia, afterwards Alex- 
ander VI, consecrated Matthias, a Benedictine, as Bishop of 
Gardar. Alexander, with due regard to the poverty of the 
noble Benedictine, whom danger did not deter from starting 
for his See, remitted all fees due on the legal documents of 
the consecration. 

No further record exists of the new bishop. Storm points 
out that Matthias, inspired with missionary zeal, must have 
travelled from Norway or Denmark to Rome, to accelerate 
the ceremonies of his election to a See so sorely in need of a 
spiritual master.^ The Archbishop of Drontheim and his 
Cathedral Chapter were the electors of the Bishop of Gardar, 
as Gardar cathedral, just as Holar and Skalholt in Iceland, 
had no Chapter. The Archbishop also consecrated the newly 
elected Bishop, with the approval of the Pope.^ The Holy 
Father appointed the nominee as bishop and pastor, but the 
consecration took place in the See. The papal bull implies 
that news from Greenland had just reached Europe, and 
mentions other facts, which are confirmed from other sources. 
We are somewhat startled by the statement that the holy 
corporal was used " a century previous by the last priest who 
was then living in Greenland." Yet this may mean the last 
bishop who resided at Gardar,^ who in fact died more than a 
century (1377) before the date of the bull.^ We read a little 
further on, that a voyage to Greenland could only be carried 
out in August; and we learn from Scandinavian authorities 
that the voyage from Norway to Greenland was not begun 
till August, and the King's ship, the "Knorr," in 1341, left 
Bergen for Greenland between the 7th and the 24th of August. 

(i) Storm, ^^ EfterretP p. 401. 

(2) Maurer, " Grdnland^^ p. 218, and P. Hinschius, ''^ Kirchenrecht der 
Katholiken und Protestanten^^ 1878, 1 1. .593, note, with full references to 

(3) The Papal Brief gives two events by which to fix the date. For 
some 80 years (ab ottuaginta annis vel circa) bishops and priests had 
ceased to reside there, and on the corporal, exposed for annual veneration, 
a hundred years before (ante centum annos) the body of our Lord had 
been consecrated by the last of the priests (ab ultimo sacerdote). 

(4) Storm, 1. c. 


News from Greenland did reach Europe about the end of the 
14th century, as we learn from the obscure narrative of Olaus y^ 
Magnus concerning voyages to Greenland between 1490 and 
1494. The names of the pioneer John Scolvus, and the 
buccaneers Pining and Pothorst, follow each other in quick 
succession. All this seems to prove clearly that, in 1492, a 
determined effort, hitherto unknown to history, was made 
to restore communications with Greenland.^ 

From the first quarter of the 15th century the Roman 
Catholic population of Greenland were in a condition of great 
distress, as we see in a letter of Nicholas V., dated 1448, 
addressed to the Bishops of Skalholt and Holar in Iceland.^ 

(i) Storm, 1. c. Maurer, ''^ Gronland^^ pp. 236, 250. Bruun, ^^Meddel- 
elser^^ XVI. 480. Olaus Magnus, ^^De gent, septentr. var, condit,^^ lib. II. 
CM. According to L. Daare, ''^ Mere om Didrik Pining^^ \^^ Nord. hist 
Tidskr.^^ ser. 3, fasc. 4, p. 195, etc.'l the buccaneer Pining was not a native 
of Norway, but of Germany. 

(2) ''^ MindesmP III. 165, etc, Jelic, ''*' L^angelisatio7i^'* p. 182, etc. 
Hey wood, ^^DocumentaJ^ p. 9, etc. The Brief is as follows : Nicolaus etc. 
Venerabilibus fratribus Schaoltensi et Olensi episcopis salutem etc. Ex 
iniuncto nobis desuper apostolice servitutis officio universarum eccle- 
siarum regimini presidentes, sic auctore domino pro animarum salute 
precioso Salvatoris redemptas comercio hostre solicitudinis curam 
impendimus, ut illas non solum impietatis et errorum procellis sepius 
fluctuantes, sed et erumnis et persecutionum turbinibus involutas ad 
statum optime tranquillitatis reducere studeamus. Sane pro parte 
dilectorum filiorum indigenarum et universitatis habitatorum insule 
Grenolandie, que in ultimis finibus oceani ad septentrionalem plagam 
Regni Norwegie in provincia Nidrosiensi dicitur situata, lacrimabilis 
querela nostrum turbavit auditum, amaricavit et mentem, quod in ipsam 
insulam, cuius habitatores et incole ab annis fere sexcentis Christi fidem 
gloriosi sui preconis Beati Olavi Regis predicatione susceptam, firmam 
et intemeratum sub sancte Romane ecclesie et sedis apostolice institutis 
servarunt ; ac quod tempore succedente in dicta insula populis assidua 
devotione flagrantibus, sanctorum edes quamplurime et insignis ecclesia 
Cathedralis erecte fuerunt, in quibus divinus cultus sedulo agebatur, 
donee, illo permittente, qui inscrutabili sapientie et scientie sue scrutinio 
persepe, quos diligit, temporaliter corrigit, et ad meliorem emendam 
castigat, ex finitimis lictoribus paganorum ante annos triginta classe 
navali barbari insurgentes, cunctum habitatorum ibidem populum crudeli 
invasione aggressi et ipsam patriam edesque sacras igne et gladio devas- 
tates solis [in] insula novem relictis ecclesiis parrochialibus, que 
latissimis dicitur extendi terminis, quos propter crepidines montium 
commode adire non poterant, miserandos utriusque sexus indigenas, illos 
precipue, quos ad subeundum perpetue onera servitutis aptos videbant et 
fortes tanquam ipsorum tyrannidi accommodatos, ad propria vexerunt 
captivos. Verum quia, sicut eadem querela subiungebat, post temporis 
successum quamplurimi ex captivitate predicta redeuntes ad propria et 
refectis hinc inde locorum ruinis, divinum cultum possetenus ad instar 
dispositionis pristine ampliare et instaurare desiderent ; et quia propter 
preteritarum calamitatum pressuras fame et inedia laborantibus non 
suppetebat hucusque facultas presbyteros nutriendi et presulem, toto illo 
triginta annorum tempore episcopi solatio et sacerdotum ministerio 

£ 2 


Jelic claims also to have discovered this letter, but it has been 
known to Scandinavian scholars since 1765.^ This document 
may for many reasons not be genuine, and according to 
Storm it was addressed to the two Germans, Marcellus and 
Matthias, who had secured their election under false pre- 
tences,^ but Dr. Ehrle^ is right in asserting that in all main 
points the letter is confirmed by the Brief of Alexander VI., 
and, we may add, does not conflict in the slightest with other 
trustworthy authorities. But Ivar Bardsson, and the Icelandic 
Annals, no mean authorities, as well as Nicholas V. in his Brief, 
attribute the downfall of the colonies in Greenland to the ad- 
vance of Eskimos, for these must be meant by " the heathen 
of the neighbouring coasts." 141 8 appears to be the date, from 

caruerunt, nisi quis per longissimam dierum et locorum distanciam 
divinorum desiderio officiorum ad illas se conferre voluisset ecclesias> 
quas manus barbarica illesas pretermisit, nobis humiliter supplicari 
fecerunt, quatenus eorum pio et salutari proposito paterna miseratione 
[sjuccurrere et ipsorum spiritualibus supplere defectus nostrumque et 
apostolice sedis in premissis favorem impertiri benivolum dignaremur. 
Nos igitur dictorum indigenarum et universitatis habitatorum prefate 
insula Grenolandie iustis et honestis precibus et desideriis inclinati, de 
premissis et eorum circumstanciis certam noticiam non habentes fraterni- 
tati vestre, quos ex vicinioribus episcopis insule prefate esse intelleximus, 
per apostolica scripta commictimus et mandamus, quatenus vos et alter 
vestrum diligenti examine auditis et intellectis premissis, si ea veritate 
fulciri compereritis ipsumque populum et indigenes numero et facultatibus 
adeo sUfficienter esse resumptos, quod id pro nunc expedire videbitis, 
quod ipsi affectare videntur, de sacerdotibus ydoneis et exemplari vita 
preditis ordinandi et providendi plebanos et rectores instituendi ; qui 
parrochias et ecclesias resarcitas gubement, sacramenta ministrent et si 
vobis sive alteri vestrum demum expedire videbitur et opportunum, 
requisite ad hoc Metropolitani consilio, si loci distancia patietur, personam 
utilem et ydoneam nostram et sedis apostolice communionem habentem^ 
eis in episcopum ordinare et instituere ac sibi munus consecrationis in 
forma ecclesie consueta nomine nostro impendere et administracionem 
spiritualium et temporalium concedere, recepto ab eodem prius iuramento 
nobis et Romane ecclesie debito et consueto valeatis vel alter vestrum 
valeat ; super quibus omnibus vestram conscienciam oneramus, plenam 
et liberam vobis vel alteri vestrum auctoritate apostolica concedimus 
tenore presentium facultatem, statutis et constitutionibus apostolicis et 
generalium Conciliorum ac aliis in contrarium editis non obstantibus 
quibuscunque. Datum Rome apud Sanctam Potencianam Anno etc. 
millesimo quadringentesimo quadragesimo octavo, duodecimo kalendas 
Octobris, Pontificatus nostri anno secundo. 

(i) Storm, ^*' Efterretninger^^ p. 399. 

(2) id. The latest account of the pretender Marcellus is given in A* 
Bugge, ^^ Erkebiskop Henrik Koltiesens KoJ>ibug" and of Matthias in 
^^ Finni Johannaei Hist eccL Islandiae^^ IV. 175. Storm kindly sent me 
word of these authorities. It seems that the rightful bishops of Iceland 
were still alive. There was also a Bishop of Gardar, who however 
resided in Norway from 1440 to 1450. — Maurer, " Gronland^^ p. 236. 

(3) Fr. Ehrle, ^^ Die Pdpstliche Abtheilung^^ p. 15, note i. 


the use of the words "thirty years ago." This is probably 
correct. About 1410, priests were certainly at work in Gardar, 
and on April 19, 1409, one of them issued a marriage notice.^ 
But evil days soon came upon the colony, as we see from the 
Brief of Alexander VI. The heathen invaders swept the 
country with fire and sword, and carried off any inhabitants 
likely to be useful as slaves. Only nine churches in remote 
villages escaped destruction. But Storm lays due stress 
upon the fact that, at the time of the highest prosperity, 
there were barely more than this number in the eastern dis- 
trict.^ This theory may throw doubts on the accuracy of the 
Pope*s facts, but in his favour are his mention of several 
churches and a cathedral, and his plea in support of the 
great spiritual needs of those who had escaped from captivity. 
The Pope made praiseworthy efforts to urge on the Bishops 
the supreme necessity of providing trustworthy pastors for 
their flocks in Greenland, and he granted them full powers to 
nominate and consecrate a Bishop fit for the post, but his 
efforts were unsuccessful, as may be seen from the same Brief. 
No other result could well be expected, seeing the character 
of the recipients of this Brief, who had only secured their 
own position by intrigue. 

It would be a striking contradiction to the usual author- 
ities if any scientific value could be assigned to the theory 
that, since 1327, the financial situation of Gardar had been set 
on the upward grade, and that the diocese had thus been 
enabled in 141 8 to contribute twice as large a sum in tithes 
and in Peter's Pence, viz. : 2,600 pounds of walrus tusks. 
But, on tracing this tale to the fountain-head, we find it 
absolutely baseless. Jelic quotes Gravier, Gravier quotes 
Kohl,^ and Malte-Brun*s G^ographie Universelle, I could find 
no such idea advanced in Kohl's book, and Storm expressly 
declares that the number in question is not given by this 

(i) Maurer, " Gronland^'^ p. 230. 

(2) Storm, 1. c. If the conversion is attributed in the Brief of Nicho- 
las V. to the preaching of St. Olaf, king of Norway (* 1000), nearly 
"600 years before this," these theories are naturally not founded on fact. 
St. Olaf did not preach in Greenland, and certainly not about the middle 
of the 9th century. But a Greenland authority of that period would 
hardly cause any wonder by attributing the preaching (predicatio) to 
St. Olaf, to whom Greenland owed its first missionaries, and by ante- 
dating the event two centuries. 

(3) J. H. Kohl, ''History of the Discovery of Maine;' 1869. 


writer.^ Malte-Brun says: "Up to 1418 the Norwegian 
colonies in Greenland had their own bishops, and* paid to 
the Holy See 2,600 pounds of walrus tusks in tithes and 
Peter's Pence." ^ The passage in Gravier reads: "In the 
year 1418 Greenland, as in former years, paid to the Holy 
See, in the shape of tithes and Peter's Pence, 2,600 pounds of 
walrus tusks.'*^ Jelic and his numerous followers state : " In 
141 8 this diocese (Gardar) paid in tithes and Peter's Pence 
2,600 pounds of walrus tusks,'* and referring to the year 
1327, "double as much as was paid in 1327."^ We will put 
aside the conclusion as inaccurate^ and examine the basis of 
the calculation. It is first of all surprising that in 1418, the 
very year of that terrible devastation, the contribution should 
have reached so high a figure. But on closer examination 
the first authority cannot be made to bear out this statement. 
Malte-Brun guardedly states "-up to the year 1418 (jusqu'en 
1418)." Gravier is the first to write ''in the year 1418," and 
renders " up to the year " by " as in former years (encore 
annuellement)." Jelic, finding a difficulty in this addition, 
omits the words, and writes "in the year 1418." The situa- 
tion is quite dramatic — at the height of the colony's pros- 
perity comes the devastating invasion of the Eskimos. The 
original authorities draw quite another picture of the gradual 
decay of the colonies in Greenland. But how did Malte-Brun 
invent his wonderful theories } The author unfortunately 
leaves us totally in the dark on this point. Storm, however, 
may be right in his explanation :^ Malte-Brun knew the con- 

(i) Storm, p. 398. 

(2) Malte-Brun, '' Prkis de la geographic universelle^^ 1832, 1. 196: 
" Jusqu'en 141 8, les colons norvdgiens ^tablis dans ce pays avaient leurs 
^veques, et payaient au Saint-Si^ge 2600 livres pesants de dents de 
morses, pour dime et denier de saint Pierre." 

(3) Gravier, '' Dkouverte^^ p. 179: "En 1418, le Groenland payait 
encore annuellement au Saint-Si^ge, k titre de dime et de denier de 
saint Pierre, 2600 livres de dents de morse." 

(4) Jelie, '' Ldvangdlisationi^ p. 178 : "En 14 18, ce diocese [Gardar] 
paya pour la dime et le denier de saint Pierre 2600 livres de dents de 
phoque, done plus du double de ce qui avait etd pay^ en 1327." 

(5) Jeli5, p. 176, is right in calling the tithe for the year 1327 "la 
dime sexennale," and his grand total is correct (127 lisponsons norw^gi- 
ennes), but the conclusion is false, that the total was double as much as 
in 1327. In the 14th century 12 pounds went to i Lis pound, and in 
1327 the tithes came to 1524 pounds, which doubled amounts to 3048 

(6) Storm, p. 398. 



tribution for the year 1327, but he mistook the total of 130 
Lis pounds ' for the total of a single year, and further assumed 
that the colonists had up to 1418, i.e. during the prosperity of 
the colony, paid annually 130 Lis pounds, or, taking the Lis 
pound at 20 pounds, 2,600 pounds. But the total for the year 
1327 is really the contribution of an extraordinary tithe for 
six years added to the Peter's Pence for one year, and further, 
the calculation of 20 pounds for one Lis pound is also inac- 
curate, for in the 14th century the Lis pound was only equal 
to 12 pounds.* 

If we sum up in brief the result of previous researches, we 
arrive at certain definite facts : the Norsemen for centuries 
possessed tolerably thriving colonies in Greenland. For this 
we have historical, geographical and cartographical proof, 
supported by Papal Briefs, and the accounts of the Papal 
Legates, and there are also the numerous ruins of churches, 
homesteads and other buildings, besides numbers of Norse 
relics. Wineland, Markland and Helluland, in short, the 
continent of America, were only occasionally visited, but 
were not colonised as intended. Every theory in support of 
a lasting colonisation of Wineland has proved untenable, and, 
most important of all, no amount of research has brought to 
light any Norse remains or Norse ruins, 

(i) Munch, " Paveligc Nuntiers," p. 2$, gives the receipts from the 
tithes for sik years : " Decima episcopaius Grenellendensis. Recepta 
fiiit per tne Bemardum de Ortolls in dentibus de roardo, quam decimam 
recepi Bei^ia a domino archiepiscopo Nidrossiensi anno Domini mille- 
simo CCCo. XXVIIo. et XI die mensis August! -CXXVI I lisponsos ad 
pondus Norwegiae i p- 27, he gives the Peter's Pence for one year : 
"Anno quo supra [1327] ec XI die mensis Augusti recepi ego B. de 
Ortolis a domino archiepiscopo Nidrossiensi pro denario sancti Petri 
episcopatus Grenellendensis III lisponsos dentium de roardo." 

(2) Storm, 1. c. 


Ube Conception anb Representation of tbe S)fscOi« 

veries of tbe Tlocsemen in Bmertca. ^be Cosmo- 

grapbecs ClauMus Ctavus. Z>onnud Vtiftolaus 

(Bermamis, an& /nai-tin Walbseemiiller. 

S we are aided by both written and carto- 
graphical monuments, we can form some 
conception of the Norse nations as regards 
the connection of their discoveries with the 
countries known at that time. Rafn has made 
an almost complete collection of MS. des- 
criptions in his Griinlands historische ErimierungefijAnd Storm 
in various publications has worked through the authorities in 
detail. The cartographical representations have only of late 
years been valued at their true weight, owing to the impor- 
tant discoveries of Prof, von Wieser and Nordenskiold. 

The pioneers thought the new masses of land were islands, 
as we can read in Adam of Bremen.^ Later on endeavours 
were made to apportion these islands among the three then 
known continents, Europe, Asia and Africa, and the discovery 
in the I2th century of Svalbar'Sr, Jan Mayen, or Spitzbergen, 
was of great importance to the conception of Greenland.* 
This discovery seemed to lend some probability to the idea 
that Greenland was joined to the mainland of Europe, as 
reindeer. Polar hares and foxes were met with, which animals 
are not found on islands, "unless they have been conveyed 
there." ^ The latter could not have been the case in Green- 
land, so it was then argued, "the animals must have come of 
their own accord from other places on the mainland." The 
ice of the Arctic Ocean ("mare congelatum") naturally gave 

(i) See page 3. Greenland also appears as an island in Papal Briefs 
of Nicholas III. (1279), and Nicholas V. (1448). 

(2) Storm, " Columius," p. 78. 

(3) " The King's Mirror" in "Gronl. hist. Mindesm." III. 327, etc. 


to this conclusion an air of probability,^ which was heightened 
by the following story : A man travelled on foot from Green- 
land to Norway; he took a goat with him and lived on its 
milk, while it found plenty of fodder in the valleys, and on 
the hillocks.^ People then came to fancy that Greenland was 
joined to Bjarmeland, the north west part of Russia. This 
was naturally uninhabited, hence the name, "ubygder," i.e, 
uninhabited land. We .read in the Cosmographia of the 
middle of the 12th century, referred to above, "uninhabited 
masses of land extend from Bjarmeland towards the north 
right up to Greenland."^ A similar account appears in the 
13th century: "To the north of Norway lies Finmark. The 
land extends north east and east, till one comes to Bjarmeland, 
which pays tribute to the Russian king. From there the land 
extends to fallow districts in the north on the borders of 
Greenland."^ The author of the " History of Norway" ends 
up his account of Greenland with this remarkable passage : 
** Some sailors, on their way from Iceland to Norway, were 
driven into the ice-bound region by contrary storms. They 
landed at last between Greenland and Bjarmeland at a spot, 
where, as they declared, they found men of extraordinary 
stature and the country of the Amazons, who conceive after 
a drink of water. Greenland, which is separated from them 
by ice-bound rocks, was discovered by the inhabitants of 
Iceland, colonised, and converted to the Roman Catholic 
faith. It forms the boundary of Europe in the west, and 
extends almost to the islands round Africa." ^ 

The cartographical representation of Greenland varies with 
the accounts, sometimes it is shown as an island, sometimes 
as a peninsula. This latter description merits most careful 
consideration, as in recent years it has received much atten- 

( 1 ) Kretschmer, " Entdeckung^^ P- 2 5 4. 

(2) Torfaeus, " Gronlandia^^ p. 25, etc, 

(3) ^^ Mindesm.^^ III. 221. WerlaufF, ^^ Symbolae^^^ p. 14. 

(4) ^^ Mtndesmy III. 217 ; 222, etc. It will be seen from these passages, 
that the connecting strip of land was " the uninhabited land," and I learn 
from Storm that this is a standing expression for the uncultivated parts 
of Greenland. Bishop Howley, " Vinland Vindicated^^ 1898, is not there- 
fore quite right in applying the term to portions of the main land of North 

(5) Storm. ^^ Hist. Norweg.^^ p. 75. The " History of Norway" was 
of considerable importance to the representation and description of the 
Arctic regions by Claudius Clavus. I do not think this point has been 
sufficiently realised. 


tion from savants. More than 20 years ago von Wieser dis- 
covered and copied in Florence three maps of the northern 
regions, which gave a wonderfully accurate position for 
Greenland. His geographical classes were favoured with 
the full history of this valuable discovery, but the Professor 
could not carry out his intention of publishing a scientific 
account of his researches till Nordenskiold published in his 
" Facsimile- Atlas " the Zamoisky map, which he had dis- 
covered in Warsaw. Von Wieser reviewed the "Facsimile- 
Atlas,"^ and added an account of his own previous discovery. 
Thereupon Nordenskiold published a most scholarly edition 
of the three Florentine maps of Greenland,^ and in the 
" Periplus " he attempted to account for the almost perfect 
accuracy of the cartography. He came to the conclusion 
that the maps were of Scandinavian-Byzantine origin, i.e. 
the maps were finished in Byzantium from Norse informa- 
tion.^ Von Wieser^ and Storm ^ have strongly contested 
this theory. Ruge agrees with von Wieser,^ but did not come 
across Storm's book, and thus he was unable to come to any 
more definite conclusion as to the date and author of the 
earliest map of the northern regions. Storm's papers on the 
original draughtsman and the authorities for the maps of the 
northern regions have not met with sufficient attention in 
Germany, and the following details will not be out of place, if 
they provide a basis for a second important, and as yet un- 
solved, question, how are we to reconcile the differences in the 
cartographical representations of the peninsula of Greenland } 
Claudius Clavus Swartho (Schwarz) was the first scholar to 
add to Ptolemy's description of the world the discoveries of the 
hardy Norsemen in America. This fact is expressly attested 
by three independent scholars and rests on satisfactory 
internal evidence. Cardinal Filiaster, in the precious Ptolemy 
1427 MS. in the Biblioth^que de la ville at Nancy,^ shows 

(i) ''Pcierm, MittP XXXVI. 1890, p. 275. 

(2) Nordenskiold, '' Btdrag, Tab:' I. II. III. 

(3) id. " Periplus^' p. 86, etc, 

(4) "Periplus," in '' Peterm, Mitt:' 1899, XLV. 192. 

(5) Review of "Periplus" in ^^ Nord, Tidskr:' p. 160. 

(6) Ruge, Review of "Periplus," ^^ Deutsche Geogr, Bldtt:' 1900, 
XXIII. 186. 

(7) Blau, ^'' Mdm, de la Soc. Roy, des sciences^'' Nancy, 1835, LIII-LX. 
and 67-97. Waitz, ^^ Des Claudius Clavus Beschreibung^' 1844. Norden- 


that Claudius Clavus was the first to describe, in writing and 
in maps, the country of Greenland as distinguished from other 
northern territories. Filiaster expressly states, in the intro- 
duction to the eighth map of Europe, that in addition to the 
places given by Ptolemy, such as Poland, Prussia and Lithu- 
ania, the eighth map included Norway, Sweden, the " Sinus 
Codanus," which divides Norway and Sweden from Germany, 
also another bay further north, which is frozen for one-third 
of each year, and that Greenland is situated on the further 
side of this bay. Ptolemy does not give these places, and he 
appears to have had no knowledge of their existence. A 
certain Claudius Cymbricus, therefore, was the first to describe 
and to cartographically represent these northern regions.^ 

We find the same account in Johannes Schoner and Fran- 
ziscus Irenicus (Friedlieb) of the merits of Claudius Niger 
(Schwarz). Sch5ner begins his detailed description of the 
bleak northern regions by noting that they were not in 
Ptolemy's description of the world (extra Ptolemaeum), and 
that they were scientifically treated by one Claudius Chlaus 

Irenicus notes that Claudius Niger was the first to explore 
the islands of Germany, and to give full particulars of the 
extent of the Cimbrian peninsula, till then an unknown 
quantity.^ Irenicus takes pains to tell us that the famous 
mathematician Johann Virdung of Hasfurth, fresh from his 
Danish journey, drew his attention to the writings of Claudius 

skiold, ^^ Studien^^ p. 40, etc.^ Facsimile, p. 63, etc. ; '''' Facsimile-Atlas^^ 
pp. 54, 58; ''^ Penplus^^ p. 90, etc., and especially Storm, ^^ Claudius 
Clavus^^ 1889, p. 129, etc.^ 1891, p. 13, etc. The Chief Librarian of the 
Biblioth^que de la Ville of Nancy generously granted me exceptional 
facilities in the use of this priceless MS. 

(i) Storm, id. 1889, p. 135, etc. 

(2) J oh. Schoner, ''^ Luculentissima quedam terre t otitis descriptio.^^ 
At the fifth chapter the description of Europe begins with Iceland, and 
then, after Ireland, England and Spain, comes an extract with the title : 
" 7?^^*^;/^i* asperrime extra Ptolemaeum observatae per quendam Claudium 
Chlaus nigrum, harum regionum inquilinum : sequuntur Sarmatiam ad 
septentrionem multum protense et sunt Scania et Dacia regiones, quas 
Schondemnargk dicunt : sitae sunt sub gradibus 36, o ; 57, 40." This 
edition, undated, is in the Hofbibliothek at Munich and differs in many 
points from the edition used by Storm, " Claudius Clavus^^ 1889, p. 138, 

(3) Franc. Irenicus, " Totius Germaniae description^ c. 20, 2nd edn. 
Frankfurt, 1570: "Nemo tamen insularum Germanicarum periculum 
fecerat, nisi nuper Claudius Niger, qui totius Cimbricae Chersonnesi 
extensionem hactenus omnibus ignotam, multa experientia tradidit." 


Niger, and induced him to bequeath to posterity Niger's views 
on the North of Europe, and on Greenland in particular.^ 

The external evidence can be strengthened by a more 
detailed research, but the internal evidence is sufficiently 
conclusive. In his account of the northern map in the Nancy 
Ptolemy MS., the author gives his own name as Claudius 
Clavus Swartho, and his native place as Salinga on the island 
of Pheonia or Ottonia, east of Jutland in the Baltic Sea. 
Claudius gives just as full particulars of the date of the map. 
Storm is quite right in assuming that the name " Erichsstadn '* 
(Nancy Codex) or Erici portus, as given on all 15th century 
maps of the Arctic regions, is a striking proof that the 
common original must have contained the name of the town.^ 
But the town, which received its charter in 141 3 from 
Eric VII of Pomerania (1412-1436), and took his name in 
compliment, was not founded till 14 10 by German Carmelites. 
The name Erichsstadt was soon superseded by the name 
Landora or Landor, the modern Landskrona.^ The charac- 
teristic name is common to all MS. maps of the Arctic 
Region, from that of Cardinal Filiaster to those of the 
Vatican and the Ptolemy Codex at Wolfegg Castle [see 
Plates 11^ IV and VI), and must thus have been on the pro- 
totype, and it cannot therefore be earlier than 141 3. 

But here we ask : Can a Dane possibly, in the first quarter 
of the 15th century, have drawn a map which would form 
an appendix to Ptolemy's maps } Macaulay's " schoolboy " 
would know that a Dane could not have done this in Den- 
mark at that date. Even Cardinal Filiaster, at the time of 
the Council of Constance, could not preserve the maps of 
Ptolemy. Italy was the only place, at the beginning of 
the 15th century, where it was possible to draw maps after 
the style of Ptolemy. We must thank Storm for pointing 
out that the Dane Claudius Clavus actually was residing at 
that time in Italy, having come to Rome in the winter of 
1423-24. Among classical circles Claudius was introduced 
to Ptolemy's maps and descriptions, and was encouraged to 
complete that great geographer's work by maps and des- 

(i) id. c. 20, 21. 

(2) Storm's " Review of ' Periplus,^ " 

(3) Storm, 1. c, and Vivien de Saint- Martin, ^^ Nouv. Diet de giogr, 
univ.^^ under " Landskrona." 


criptions of the Arctic regions.^ Irenicus states that Claudius / 
was persuaded by the King of Denmark^ to undertake this'^ 
task, and that it is quite easy to explain, for King Eric in 
1424 was resting in Italy, on his pilgrimage to the Holy 

It is not so easy at first sight to explain the legends on 
the maps of the northern regions, if we fix their date at the 
early part of the 15th century. Nordenskiold believed that 
the passage in Cladius Clavus, where somebody expressed 
his joy at having seen the island of Somershavn, where St. 
Olaf, King and Martyr, conquered his perjured brother, 
referred to an authority of the nth century.^ Von Wieser 
has already proved that this conclusion by no means follows.^ 
Storm, in reviewing the " Periplus," expresses his surprise at 
finding a scholar in Nordenskiold's position so lost to all 
critical sense as " to treat a fanciful legend of the 15th century 
as an authority of the nth century."^ Nordenskiold goes on 
to explain the legends of the Nancy map : " Britanni angli- 
cati apostate ; Carelorum infidelium regio maxime septen- 
trionalis ; Slavorum regio insidiatrix ; Perversa prutenorum 
nacio vel nocio," by adapting them to the 13th century,^ but 
it is more reasonable to treat them as referring to the begin- 
ning of the isth century, the period of Claudius Clavus 

We cannot well term the English " apostates " merely 
because the Pope, Innocent III (1198-1216) excommunicated 
King John and kept an interdict suspended over England. 
The description can far better be applied to the English at 
the beginning of the 15th century, at a time when the then 
unorthodox views of Wiclif were rapidly gaining ground and 
giving rise to cruel persecutions.^ There can be no objection 

(i) Storm, " Claudius Clavus ^^ 1891, p. 15, etc. 

(2) Fr. Irenicus, 1. c, c. 21 : "Id autem, quicquid est, Claudio Nigro 
debetur, qui, precibus regis Danorum impulsus, totius Daniae descriptio- 
nem sibi desumpsit." 

(3) Storm, I.e., p. 18. 

(4) Nordenskiold, " Periplus^^ p. 90. The passage reads : " Sumers- 
haun insula, in qua sanctus Olaus rex et martyr debellabat fratrem suum 
infidelem visibili adiutorio Domini, quod oculis vidisse favet." 

(5) Von Wieser, " Review of the * Periplus^'*^ p. 192, note 2. 

(6) Storm, ^^ Review of the ^ Periplus^^^ p. 160. 

(7) Nordenskiold, ^^ Facsimile Atlas^^ p. 54, etc. ; ^^ Periplusi^ p. go, etc, 

(8) Storm, " Claudius Clavus ^^ 1891, p. 22. 


taken to Nordenskiold's remarks about the Karelians, if by 
Karelians we understand the Karelians of Finland. These 
had already been converted by Thorgil Knudtson, and the 
expression " heathens " (infideles) could oo longer be applied 
to them at the beginning of the 15th century. But the 
Karelians, whom Claudius Clavus mentibns, are plainly not 
the Karelians of Finland. Claudius' Karelians lived in the 
\ extreme north of Greenland near the North Pole,^ and the 
legend on the map is so given.^ I agree with Storm that 
this must therefore refer to the Eskimos Skralings. It 
seems all the more certain, for Clavus expressly states that 
his Karelians marched in strong force southwards to attack 
Greenland.^ According to the " Historia Norwegiae/* Norse 
huntsmen had already fought with the Skralings in North 
Greenland,^ and as time went on these kept pushing on 
further southwards. About 1345 the Skralings attacked and 
destroyed the western settlement, and since that year they 
had a perpetual feud with the inhabitants of the eastern 
settlement, who were nearly all put to the sword in 1418.^ 
The account of the pagan Karelians in the north of Green- 
land, and their attacks on the inhabitants of Greenland, 
thoroughly agrees with the state of Greenland towards the 
close of the isth century. The mention of the Slavs in the 
south of the peninsula of Jutland as hostile quite suits the 
relations of the Slavs to the northern kingdoms in the time 

(i) "Tenent autem septentrionalia eius [Gronlandiae] Careliinfideles, 
quorum regio extenditur sub polo septentrionali versus Seres orientales 
[Ptolemy calls north eastern Asia * Serica'], quare polus [the polar circle] 
nobis septentrionalis est eis meridionalis in gradibus 66." of. Storm, 1. c, 

P- 34- 

(2) Between 74 and 75 Lat. "Carelorum infidelium regio maxime 

(3) "Gronlandiae praeterea insulae Chersonnesus dependet a terra 
inaccessibili, a parte versus Septentrionem vel ignota propter glaciem. 
Proficiscuntur tamen Caroli infideles quotidie cum exercitu in Gron- 
landiam, et hoc absque dubio ex altera parte poli septentrionalis. Non 
igitur alluit limen terrae recte sub polo, ut omnes priscorum auctores 
profitentur, veluti honestissime nobis Niger Mathematicus ostendit." 
(Irenicus, ^^ Germ, exeges.^^ lib. X. c. 19). We may here note that we 
shall see later how this account of Claudius Clavus influenced Schoner's 
map of the northern Polar regions. 

(4) Storm, '''' Monwnentai* p. 'jd : "Trans Viridenses ad aquilonem 
qui dam homunciones a venatoribus reperiuntur, quos Scraelinga appel- 
lant, qui dum vivi armis feriuntur, vulnera eorum absque cruore albescunt, 
mortuis vero vix cessat sanguis manare. Sed ferri metallo penitus carent, 
dentibus cetinis pro missilibus, saxis acutis pro cultris utuntur." 

(5) Storm, " Claudius Clavus^^ 1891, p. 22, and p. 48 above. 


of Queen Margaret, as the mere reference to the Vitali 
brothers shows.^ 

The unflattering designation of the Prussians is not sur- 
prising in a Danish geographer at the beginning of the 15th 
century, for apart from the fact that the Knights of the 
Teutonic Order had conquered Gothland from the Danes, the 
actual state of the Prussian Orders justified the biting des- 
cription "perversa prutenorum nacio." The Grand Master, 
Conrad of Jangingen, was obliged in 1405 to enact stern laws 
against the heretics, and the following years saw a further 
lapse from all religious and moral virtues.^ The explanation 
of " perversa " in connection with these scandals appears from 
the choice of the expression " Prutenorum," and the fact that 
the author does not quite know whether to take " Pruteni '* 
for the name of the nation, or as a purely geographical term 
(nacio vel nocio), also points to the close of the 15th century. 
A similar doubt could not have existed in the 13th century, 
as ** Prussian " was then used for the name of that nation. 
" Pruzzi " or " Prucl '* or " Prusci " was used for " Prussia " in 
Scandinavian authorities up to the 14th century, and not till 
the 14th and iSth century do we find "Pruteni" used in 
German and Danish authorities for " Prussians."^ 

Storm's researches into the expression " Pruteni " give us 
at once a starting point for the date of a legend which at 
first seemed most likely to cast doubts on our previous con- 
clusions. Von Wieser was the first to call attention to this 
legend and its possible bearings. The actual words are : 
" Norwegia et Livonia, patrie paludoxe, ut vix estate per- 
meari possint ; Livonia noviter per prutenos fratres ad Cristi 
fidem conversa se extendit ad boream." * Von Wieser points 
out correctly that the conversion of Livonia was finished by 
the 13th century;^ he might have added that "noviter con- 

(i) id., p. 23. 

(2) Storm, 1. c, and Holzapfel, " Der deutsche Ritterorden^^ p. 62, etc, 

(3) After this theory of Storm it can hardly be urged, that the term 
" Pruteni," perhaps something to do with " Rutheni," is to be found in 
English and French authorities of the 13th century, e.g. in Roger Bacon 
in 1268, see ^^ Mon, Germ.'^ S. XXVIII, 578, 30, or in the ^''Chronica 
Albrici Monachi^ Mon. Germ" S. XXIII. 911, 25. 

(4) The legend is on the Arctic map in a Florentine codex, whose 
present contents can be traced back to Buondelmonte (about 1420). The 
map appears in photo-type in ^^ Periplus^" tab. XXXII. 

(5) Von Wieser, Review of the " Facsimile- At las," p. 276. 


versa" is used of Livonia in a 13th century authority.^ " Per 
prutenos fratres " rather shows that we are dealing with a gloss 
and with a Scandinavian legend. Storm has been kind enough 
to inform me that "noviter" cannot be pressed as referring to 
the 13th century, as even dated MSS. use this term in des- 
cribing events which happened half a century or so before.^ 

A Scandinavian would not have mixed up Norway and 
Livonia, or placed the legend in its present absurd position. 
Storm is not unnaturally inclined to believe the legend to be 
an insertion made by an Italian cartographer. In no case 
can the isolated legend bear out the date as the 1 3th century, 
or even Nordenskiold's theory of the Scandinavian-Byzantine 
origin of the map. The present contents of the Buondel- 
monte-Codex, which includes the Arctic map with the 
wonderful legend, may go back to authorities which Buon- 
delmonte brought back from the Greek Archipelago at the 
beginning of the isth century, but the map must have been 
inserted in the Codex at a later period, judging from the 
words "Olfatie ducatus," as Holstein did not become a Duchy 
till 1474. "Erici portus," a characteristic name, also on this 
map, certainly belongs to the 15th century. 

All allusions to events seem to point to the date as about 
the end of the iSth century, the mention of " Erichsstadt " 
must involve some period after 141 3. Claudius Niger, accor- 
ding to Irenicus in his description of the kingdom of 
Denmark, mentions gold mines near the slopes of Kumty- 
hone, which were discovered in 1425.^ But Irenicus may 
have seen a second enlarged edition of Claudius Clavus' des- 
cription ; this isolated fact cannot be pressed in assigning a 
date to Clavus' map of the Arctic regions. The map, with 
this writer's descriptions, was certainly finished by 1427, as 
we learn from a remark of Cardinal Filiaster, who included in 

(i) Henry's ^^ Chronicon Lyvoniae^^ for 1226, in ^^ Mon, Germy S. 
XXIII, 329, 20. 

(2) Storm was good enough to send me a long extract from Hygden's 
^^ Polychronicon^^ confirming his view. I have found several myself since 
then of the same nature. The " Terra australis " appears as " recenter 
inventa, anno 1499," on the MS. globe in the Biblioth^que Nationale at 
Paris, which probably comes from Vopel and certainly was made after 

(3) " Kumtyhone promontorium occidentalis Daniae, ubi fodiuntur auri 
minerae anno Salutis 1425 repertae, cuius gradus feruntur 44, 59 ; 30." 
(Irenicus, lib. X. c. 21). 


his edition of Ptolemy of 1427^ the map and descriptions by- 
Claudius Clavus, though somewhat mutilated. 

Claudius Clavus the Dane may have been the original 
draughtsman of the Arctic maps, and have completed them / 
in Italy in the early part of the iSth century; and then we 
should naturally expect Scandinavian, or rather Danish terms, 
on the map and in the descriptions, and the use of Scandi- 
navian and Italian authorities of the 14th century. We are 
not disappointed in either case. Apart from the term " Nord- 
hindh Bondh'* (Nancy Codex), or Norenbodhen (Irenicus), or 
Nordinhoduch (Schoner), for the northern sea of ice, there 
are on the maps of the Arctic regions a number of Danish 
numerals for names of rivers. They commence at Livonia, 
and join the Ptolemy map of northern Europe. The names 
of the rivers run from south to north : fursta f., avenas f., 
trediena f, fierdis f {see Maps IL and IV,), Dahlgren was 
the first to call attention to this interesting fact.^ The rivers 
are only just shown on the map in the Nancy Codex, but 
without names, as Filiaster capriciously either left out or only 
just marked several towns on the map, which he mentions in 
the description. But we find on the later and more exact 
copies of the Arctic maps the terms first, second (fursta, etc.), 
and so on, and that expert in early Scandinavian history, my 
friend Professor Storm, points out that these terms, which are 
also found on the Swedish and on Schonen*s east and west 
coasts, imply a Danish origin, and this in a form of speech 
"scarcely earlier than the 15th century."^ 

Storm carefully tested both the etymology and the author- 
ities of the Arctic maps. His researches proved that the 
author of these maps had not only made use of the Ptolemy 
map and its description,^ but also Italian portulanos and 

(i) In Pinaster's own words " hoc anno Domini millesimo quadringen- 
tesimo vicesimo septimo, quo hec tabule descripte fuerunt," two envoys 
from Prester John came to King Alfonso of Aragon, the one a Christian, 
the other a heathen. The Papal Nuncio at the Court of Aragon, Cardinal 
de Fuxo, saw them with the king at Valencia and learnt from them, that 
they were also going to the Pope, Martin V., whom the Christian ambassa- 
dor considered to be the deputy of Christ. " Hec dictus Cardinalis pape 
retulit me Cardinali sancti Marci [Filiaster] presente, qui has feci describi 
tabulas, et ex greco exemplari" (Nancy Codex, fol. 190). Storm, ^'' Claud, 
Clav.i^ 1889, p. 133. 

(2) Nordenskiold, " Facsimile- Atlas ^^ p. 56 ; " Periplus^^ p. 89, etc, 

(3^ Storm, ''''Claudius Clavus ^^ 1889, p. 145, etc. 

(4) Claudius Clavus, from the whole arrangement of his work, must 
have been acquainted with the Ptolemy maps and their text. 



Scandinavian authorities of the 14th century. Of the latter 
there is one in particular, a route, known in Lelewel as the 
" Itineraire Brugeois,'' in the collection of routes to the Holy 
City.^ Lelewel rather aptly dates this work between 1360 
and 1388, probably about 1380.^ The original, of which Storm 
used a copy by Dahlgren, gives this title to the route : 
"Diversorum locorum mundi distancia demonstrativa."^ The 
interest to the high latitudes is in the route from Liibeck to 
Schonen,* Schonen to Bergen, Bergen to Iceland, Iceland to 
Greenland, and the Karelians. The islands Femo and Faro 
are marked between Bergen and Iceland. Clavus translated 
Femo by Feminarum insula (Isles of the Women), and added 
the explanation : " on which girls only were born, and not 
boys."^ When the text mentions the Karelians after Green- 
land, and adds that it takes half a year (per medium annum) 
to journey thither, and goes on to describe the Karelians as 
a wonderful nation (est enim populus monstruosus), we are 
strongly reminded of Claudius Clavus' account of the Kare- 
lians. He puts their name far north of Greenland in his map, 
and he says in his description, the heathen Karelians live 
in the north of Greenland, their territory extending beyond 
the Arctic circle to Serica in north-eastern Asia. Cardinal 
Filiaster here cuts short the description of Claudius Clavus 

(i) Lelewel, ^^ GSogr, du moyen-dge^'^ Epilogue, p. 281-308. 

(2) id., p. 283. 

(3) Storm, " Claudius Clavus^^ 1 891, p. 19, etc, 

(4) It may at first sight seem unlikely that Clavus made much use of 
the ''^ Itinerary ^^ but Storm draws attention to the following points of 
agreement : in Jutland Clavus locates Plon and Kiel as in the " Itinerary,^^ 
Among the islands off Zealand Clavus gives Draghor parva (z>. the village 
of Dragor on Amager), obviously the Draethoor insula of the ''^Itinerary " 
(p. 287). The town of Madhkeruth in Schonen, must also be the Madkerot 
in the ^^ Itinerary ^^ Storm also gives other examples. 

(5) "Feminarum insula, in qua singulae nascuhtur feminae et num- 
quam mares" (Nancy Codex). Storm, ^^ Claudius Clavus^^ 189I) p. 33, 
20 ; Nordenskiold, " Studien und Forschungen^^ on the last page of the 
facsimile of Clavus there is the text and description. Irenicus gives the 
same account, quoting the mathematician Claudius Niger : " Foeminarum 
insula, ubi numquam mares partu eduntur, cuius gradus 26, 63 referuntur 
{^^ Germanic description^ lib. X. c. 19). Storm, " Claudius Clavus ^^ 1889, 
p. 143. The ^^ Historia Norwegiae^^ also mentions the land of the 
Amazons (Storm's edn., p. 75) : " Quidam nautae, cum de Glaciali insula 
[Iceland] ad Norwegiam remeare studuissent et a contrariis ventorum 
turbinibus in brumalem plagam propulsi essent, inter Viridenses [men of 
Greenland] et Bjarmones [Russians] tandem applicuerunt ubi homines 
mirae magnitudinis et virginum terram (quae gustu aquae concipere 
dicuntur) se reperisse protestati sunt." cf. Adam of Bremen, lib. IV, 
c. 19. 


with the remark : " This is really enough " (sat patenter). 
Schoner and Irenicus mention the northerly homes, and many 
other interesting details about this wonderful nation, quoted 
from Claudius Clavus or Claudius Niger. They call them 
" Pygmies," a race of dwarfs (homines cubitales), who use 
coracles. Schoner strengthens his story by appealing to 
Claudius Clavus, as an eye-witness, who had himself seen 
pygmies in captivity, probably Eskimos from Greenland, 
and also a large and a small boat of skins, which the pygmies 
had used on the sea, exhibited later in Drontheim Cathedral.^ 
This account is in accordance with fact. We know from the 
Icelandic Annals that, in 1406 • a ship on its way from Norway 
to Iceland reached Greenland, and its crew spent four years 
in the country before returning to Norway in 1410. The 
crew may quite well, as Storm suggests, have come into con- 
flict with the Eskimos, some of whose boats they took, and 
then carried away some Eskimos into captivity to Norway. 
We must not overlook the remarkable distinction made by 
Schoner — based on the report of his Scandinavian authority 
— between the large and the small boat, both of skin. The 
kajack and the umiak, as we should call them now-a-days, 
are here mentioned for the first time, and the exactness 
of the distinction, as Storm explains, show contemporary 

The preservation of the trophies in the Cathedral of Dron- 
theim has an analogy in the Scandinavian history of Olaus 
Magnus,^ who in 1 505 says he saw two Greenland boats hung 

(i) "Pigmei parvi longitudine cubitales, quos vidit Claudius Chlaus 
Niger captos in mari in navicula modica de corio preparata, quae hac 
nostra tempestate in ecclesia Cathedrali Nodrosie reservatur. Habent 
ibidem navem longam etiam de corio, quae quondam cum pigmeis etiam 
capta erat." (Schoner, ''^ Luculeni. descript.^^ in the under paragraph, 
Regiones asperrime.) The varia in the text in Storm, " Claudius Clavus^^ 
1889, p. 139, are unimportant. See p. 64, note 2. 

(2) Storm, /^. p. 140. Nordenskiold emphasises the difference between 
the large and the small coracle, to attest Zeno's accuracy {Studien^ p. 60), 
and on this point Clavus may have been one of Zeno's authorities. 

(3) Olaus MsignuSi^^Deg^enlmm septentrionaliuin variis conditionibus^^ 
Basle, 1567, lib. II, c. 9 : "Vidi ego binas huiusmodi naviculas coriarias 
anno 1505, super Occidentalem portam intus in Ecclesia cathedrali As- 
loensi divo Haluardo dedicata, quasi pro spectaculis muro appensas : quas 
eisdem regni Rex Hacjuinus bellica classe littora Gruntlandiae pertran- 
siens, dicebatur acquisiisse." In " Z>^ Pygmaeis Gruntlandiae^^ Olaus 
Magnus (1. c. c. 11) also gives the accounts of the buccaneers Pining and 
Pothorst (1494), and Knipphof and his 70 companions in misfortune. 
Ahlenius, " Olaus MagtiuSy^ Upsala, 1895, p. 148. 

F 2 


up in Osloe Cathedral, and the story went that King Hacon 
had brought them home from a campaign on the coast of 
Greenland. This book of travels makes the deformed tribe 
of the Karelians possess " a mountain, called Jueghelberch, on 
the one side a volcano, and on the other a snow mountain." ^ 
The mountain is not named in the Nancy Codex, but the 
" place of punishment " (lacus penarum), curtly so put, is 
explained in the detailed account of Irenicus, presumably 
based on Claudius Clavus' description of the dreadful Hechel- 
berg, a type of hell and purgatory.^ 

We must not dwell too much on the relations between the 
book of travels and the map and the text by Claudius Clavus, 
and, as to the connection between Claudius Clavus and the 
Italian portulans, it will suffice to mention here that the 
characteristic and inaccurate extension, east and west of the 
Scandinavian peninsula, can be traced to the portulanos, and 
that the historical accounts of the voyages of the southerners 
in the northern latitudes, and their cartographical representa- 
tions, fit in exactly with Storm's interpretation.^ Storm also 
points out that the very names of the coast provinces are 
clearly borrowed from Italian portulans.* The Latin Ptolemy 
maps, which were engraved early in the 15th century by 
Francesco di Lapacino of Florence at the same time^ as the 

(i) Lelewel, ^'' Giogr. du moyen-dge^^ Epilogue, p. 287: "Et habent 
montem, quae vocatur lueghelberch et est mons igneus ab una. parte et 
glatialis ab alia parte." The Hechelberg must be Hekla in Iceland. 
The mistake in the Itinerary misled Claudius Clavus, and, perhaps, 
through him the younger Zeno, who places his monastery of St. Thomas 
in the country of the Karelians on the Nancy map, and the volcano in 
the vicinity. 

(2) " Mons mari Norvegico circumseptus, Hechelberg dictus, infemi 
aut purgatorii speciem repraesentat. Hunc horrendo clamore instincti 
vultures ac corvi nigerrimi circumvolando perterrefaciunt. Totus prae- 
terea mons eiulatu lachrymabili intonat, clamor ad unum miliare dilatatus 
diffunditur. Duo quoque fontes illic horrent diversissimi, primus inten- 
sissimo frigore, alius calore intractabili praeditus, caetera elementa longe 
excedunt. Nee ultra octo pedum spacio a se invicem absunt. Tumultu 
illo itaque admoniti accolae cultui divino plus caeteris mortalibus de- 
duntur" (Irenicus, ^'' Description^ lib. X. c. 18). Storm, " Claudius ClavuSy* 
1889, p. 142, 1 891, p. 20. 

(3) E. Hamy, "Z^j origines de la cartographic de P Europe septen- 
trionale.^^ Bull. " G^ogr. hist.y^ Paris, 1889 ; reprinted in ^^ Etudes hist, et 
giogr,^^ Paris, 1896. Jomard, tab. X. i. Nordenskiold, ^^ Periplus^^ 
tab. X. XI. 

(4) Storm, " Cladius Clavus^^ 1891, p. 16, etc. 

(5) Storm, p. 15. Gallois, "Z^j Gdographes^^ p. 16, note i. Uzielli, 
" Toscanelliy^ p. 391, etc. 


translation of Ptolemy by Jacob Angelus, were used by the 
compiler of the Arctic maps, as may be seen in the peninsula 
of Scotland, which extends so far eastwards, the characteristic 
representation of the Cimbrian peninsula, the island of Thile, 
and a comparison with the other edition of the Latin Ptolemy 

The Danish cosmographer must have been induced to 
complete the Ptolemy map of the world during his stay in 
Italy, as he made use both of the Italian portulans and of 
the Latin Ptolemy maps. Von Wieser, Storm and Ruge, 
emphatically declare their inability to see any connection 
with Byzantium, such as Nordenskiold advances in his Peri- 
plus, but everytliing points to Italy. Von Wieser reminds us 
that, in Italy, first arose the custom of giving as supplements 
to the Ptolemy MSS., and later to the printed editions, 
"Tabulae modernae extra Ptolemaeum."^ 

It may be asked, what cartographical representation of 
the northern regions we are to ascribe to the Dane, Claudius 
Clavus? First in the line come the Nancy map {see Fig i, 
page 70, which gives the outlines one-half the natural size) 
of 1427, and the "Tabula regionum septentrionalium," dis- 
covered by Nordenskiold in a 15th century Ptolemy map in 
the Zamoisky library at Warsaw. With the latter we must 
place the three companion maps of the 15th century,^ dis- 
covered many years ago by von Wieser in the Biblioteca 
Nazionale and the Biblioteca Laurenziana at Florence, and 
the maps of Greenland in the two Vatican MSS., by Donnus 
Nicolaus Germanus {Plates IL and IV,), Both types are 
unanimous in representing Greenland as a European penin- 
sula, west of Iceland, and extending considerably southwards, 
and they give Greenland its correct position in relation to 
Norway and Iceland. The latter has a curious elongation 
from north to south, and not from west to east. The mar- 
vellously correct delineation of Greenland, in which these 
maps of the iSth centuries are so superior to the representa^ 
tions of Greenland in the cartography of the i6th, 17th and 
1 8th century, quite corresponds, as we have seen, with the 

(i) Von Wieser, ^^ Review of^Periplus,^^^ p. 192. Krumbacher, " Ges- 
chichte der byzantinischen Litteratury^ 2nd edn., 1897, p. 409, etCy gives 
an appreciation of the cartographical activity of the Byzantines. 

(2) Nordenskiold's edition of these is unrivalled {^^ Bidrag:' tab. I. 
II. III.). 



ideas accepted in high latitudes in the course of centuries.^ 
Greenland appears as a European peninsula not only in the 
Nancy MS. and the above-mentioned maps of the so-called 
Zamoisky type, but also on the maps of the so-called Ulm or 
Denis type. The maps of the Ulm Ptolemy editions of 1482 
and i486, repeated in numbers of subsequent editions, have 
up to now been unknown in MS., and I am immeasurably 
indebted to Fiirst Wolfegg for graciously allowing the inte- 
resting map from the unique Wolfegg MS. to be reproduced 
in Plate VI. 

Fig. 1. 
If we at once exclude this kind of representation, where 
the question is to determine what type most faithfully repro- 
duces that of Claudius Clavus, we are justified by the danger 
of assuming off-hand that a Scandinavian cartographer, per- 
sonally acquainted with voyagers to Greenland, at a time 
when the trade route to that country viA Iceland, or by the 
south-west route skirting Iceland, was still well known, should 
have located Greenland to the north of the Scandinavian 
peninsula and to the far east of Iceland {see Plate VI.). 
Besides the Nancy map, which is expressly based on Claudius 

(i) Storm, "Colwnbus," p. 78, and p. 33, etc. Nordenskifild, "Peri- 
flus" Sailing directions, p. loi. 


Clavus, shows Greenland in its true position to the west of 
Norway and Iceland {see fig. i). 

The daily increasing number of MS. maps of Greenland, 
of the Zamoisky type {see Plates II, and IV.), do not own 
Claudius Clavus as their author, though they may give the 
most faithful reproduction of his prototype. Storm has treated 
this point very fully in his work on the Danish geographer 
Claudius Clavus. I will here give only one or two important 
arguments. According to Schoner and Irenicus, the Danish 
cosmographer, Claudius Niger, speaks of a place to the north 
of the Scandinavian peninsula, which is marked with the 
cross of Christ, and over which no one dares to pass without 
the royal permission and a strong escort. This characteristic 
spot occurs, in fact, on all isth century maps of the Zamoisky 
type, over the legend : " Non licet ultra ire. Ultimus limes 
cruce Christi signatus.^ Ultimus limes crucis Christi signatus. 
Non licet ultra ire,"^ and the cross is plainly marked on the 
map of Scandinavia and Greenland in the Biblioteca Na- 
zionale in Florence.^ In the corresponding Vatican MS. 
we find : " Non licet ultra ire. Ultimus limes cruce Christi 
signatus."* But in the maps of the Ulm type the character- 
istic legend does not appear (see Plate VI.). Irenicus quotes 
Claudius Niger for giving the promontory of Nen as the 
extreme known point of the earth.^ We find, in the same 
way, on the maps of the Zamoisky type, at the extreme 
north-west of Greenland, the legend : " Ultimus terminus 
terre habitabilis. Neu promontorium" (see Plates II. and IV.), 
and in the same place in the Buondelmonte Codex : ** Neum 

(i) ''Facsimile-Atlas^' tab. XXX. and '' Bidrag:' III. 

(2) Nordenskiold, '' Periplus^' tab. XXXII. Buondelmonte Codex der 
Laurenziana in Florenz, and p. 85, note 34. '' BidragJ' II. 

(3) Nordenskiold, p. 87, note 35, or '' Bidrag.^' I. 

(4) Plate II and IV. The passage in Schoner reads: " Ibi [in 
Pilappelandia] enim nimius [1. ultimus] limes cruce Christi signatus est, 
ne Christiani audeant absque licentia regis ultra accedere, etiam comitatu 
forti. Et est in gradibus 40, o ; 67, o." Storm, " Claudius Clavus^' 1889, 
p. 139. Irenicus gives the same account : " Ultimus praeterea locus illic 
est cruce Christi signatus, ubi nee Christiani audent sine regis facta 
facultate longius proficisci, et hoc non nisi adiuncto comitatu magno. Ab 
illo inde loco, ut Nicolaus Niger Mathematicus profitetur, versus occasum 
longissimo ambitu terrae habitant primo Vuildlapmanni, quorum gradus 
44, 30, 60, 20 referuntur" (1. c, lib. X. c. 18). 

(5) Irenicus, 1. c, lib. X. c. 21: " Promontorium praeterea Neu 
dictum, cuius gradus 14,69,39, ultimus est terrae terminus nobis cognitus, 
12 insulas possidet." 


promon tori urn, ultimus terre terminus/' Cardinal Filiaster 
does not reproduce these descriptions either on his map or in 
the text, but this is not surprising, as he omits the western 
half of Greenland, and fails to reproduce a number of names 
of rivers and towns, although he gives the geographical signs 
for the course of the rivers and for the position of the towns. 
On maps of the Ulm type we do not find the designation 
"Ultimus terrae terminus," and the promontory "na" is not 
at the extreme north, but appears on the east of Green- 
land, south of the promontory of Sadi {see Plate VL). We 
have already noticed, as a characteristic of the author of these 
maps, the Danish nomenclature of the rivers, which is pre- 
served on the maps of the Zamoisky type and partly on 
those of the Ulm type (see Plates II., IV, and VI), The 
number of promontories and rivers given on the real Clavus 
map of Greenland, and on maps of the Ulm type, which were 
cut down by Cardinal Filiaster to a few promontories num- 
bered I, 2, 3, has not as yet been satisfactorily explained.^ 
The names in their present situation do not suit the historical 
positions of the Sagas. 

The Danish nomenclature of the rivers is characteristic of 
the author of the real Clavus map (of the Zamoisky type), 
and no less of the man, who in the second half of the 15th 
century did so much to popularise the Clavus map. He was 
so little versed in the Danish language that he did not even 
know that " fursta " means " first." This cosmographer is 
known under the name of Nicolaus Donis. But Pseudo- 
Donis is really called Donnus Nicolaus Germanus. Pseudo- 
Donis is supposed to have been a Benedictine monk in the 
monastery at Reichenbach, in Bavaria.^ This account rests 
only on the authority of Trithemius, a contemporary, and a 
famous Benedictine abbot. But the statements of Trithe- 
mius on this point are no more final than those of the Ulm 
editions of Ptolemy of 1482 and i486, on which they are 
based. The authority of these statements is completely nulli- 
fied by the fact that both editions have introduced the name 
Donis, instead of Donnus or Donus, clear as it is in the MSS. 
the mediaeval equivalent of Dom, as lay brothers in Italy are 
commonly known to-day. Trithemius changed the order of 

(i) Jos. Fischer, " War Pseudo-Donis Benediktiner in Reichenbach V^ 
Hist. Polit. Blatt. 1900, CXXVI. p. 641, etc. 


the alteration, and wrote Nicolaus Donis for Donis Nicolaus. 
He took this name and the profession of Benedictine from 
the Ulm editions of Ptolemy. The initial letter of the dedi- 
cation : " Non me fugit," depicts a Benedictine monk pre- 
senting, on his knees, a book to the Pope, who, in full 
canonicals, is wearing his tiara. No other manuscript delinea- 
tion of this cosmographer can be found. The statement 
that Donis was a member of the monastery of Reichen- 
bach is not confirmed by the Ulm editions, but Trithemius 
gives it only as an "on dit" ("ut ferunt"), and his posthumous 
history of distinguished Benedictines states that the mon- 
astery of Nicolaus Donis was unknown (" memoriae non 
occurrit"). On this authority the fable of a cosmographer, 
named Nicolaus Donis, a Benedictine at Reichenbach, has 
lingered on to our time.^ But the pseudo-Donis was no 
Benedictine from Reichenbach, he did not dedicate his nu- 
merous editions of Ptolemy to the German Emperor, or to a 
German spiritual or temporal prince, but he chose for patron 
the Italian Duke Borso di Este, and afterwards the Pope, 
Paul II. The miniatures and the penmanship are Florentine,^ 
and two editions at least are to be found in Florence with 
the dedication to Borso di Este.^ All we know for certain 
of Donnus Nicolaus Germanus is as follows : On March 15, 
1466, Donnus Nicolaus Germanus arrived from Florence at 
Duke Borso di Este's castle of Quartisana, and presented to 
the Duke a work entitled " Cosmographia." The Duke sent 

(i) Nordenskiold states this in his '''' Facsimile- Atlas ^^ p. 10: "The 
only facts known with certainty respecting the life of Donis are, that he 
was a Benedictine from Reichenbach, and that he lived during the time 
of the Pope Paul II." 

(2) For the Este MS. in Modena, see the views of Hermann {^^ Zur 
Geschichte der Miniaturmalerei^^ p. 190). Father Manganotti, a Jesuit 
like myself, writes to me that the same opinion, independent from Her- 
mann's, was expressed in plain terms by an expert in 1 5th century minia- 
tures, the Director of the Royal Galleries and Museums in Modena. The 
Wolfegg Codex also proves to be Florentine work : see frontispiece of 
this work, and cf. the characteristics of Florehtine Miniatures in E. Frantz, 
^^ Geschichte der christlichen Malerei^^ II., 492, etc.^ and on p. 495, where 
the author says: "The borders are broken at the ends and in the middle 
by medallions with representations of figures, busts, often in the form of 
portraits. Csontosi examined the Wolfegg MS. in 1887, and pronounced 
It of Florentine origin, and the initials to be Florentine, while the pictures 
on the title-page reminded him of MSS. executed for King Ferdinand in 

(3) Jos. Fischer, Pseudo-Donis and his works in the Proceedings of 
the 5th. Internat. Congress of Roman Catholic Savants, 1901, p. 436, etc. 


this cosmographer with his book and an introduction to his 
man of business, Ludovico Casella at Ferrara. Casella was 
commissioned, in conjunction with the expert Giovanni Bian- 
chini, and Pietro Bono dell' Avocaro, the Ducal astrologer, to 
examine and report on the book by Don Nicol6, and finally 
to fix the price of the work, and a suitable form for the 
ducal approval. Don Nicolaus Germanus was to have all his 
expenses (" la hosteria ") paid as long as the enquiry into his 
book required his presence in Ferrara.^ The work was tested 
at once according to the Duke's instructions,^ and the verdict 
was in Don Nicolo's favour. On March 30, 1466, the Duke's 
treasurer received immediate orders to furnish the Duke with 
100 florins in gold, that his Highness " might present them 
in person to the honourable and learned cosmographer. Sire 
Nicolaus Germanus, as a sign of his appreciation of the very 
scholarly work entitled Cosmographia!'^ Nine days later, 
April 8, 1466, the treasurer received further instructions to 
furnish the Duke with 30 florins in gold, which were also to 
be paid to Donnus Nicolaus Germanus, who, in addition to 
the scholarly Cosntographia ("ultra illud excellens Cosmo- 
graphie opus"), had dedicated to his Highness a perpetual 
calendar ("librum tacuini multorum annorum").^ Don 
Nicol6 is^ further said to have dedicated a map of Italy to 
the Duke in these terms : " Illustrissimo Principi D.D. Borsio 
Duci Mutinae ac Regii, Marchioni Estensi, Rhodiique Comiti 
Donnus Nicolaus Germanus." Targioni mentions this map 
as extant in his day at Florence.^ But all the efforts of 
Dr. Marzi, the Keeper of Archives, to trace this map, have 
unfortunately met with no, success. It may not be a special 
map, but it may, perhaps, be the modern map of Italy which 
Donnus Nicolaus added to his second edition of Ptolemy, 
and which contains a hymn in praise of Italy, probably 
written by the cosmographer (see Appendix V.), There are 
still two copies of the second edition of Ptolemy by Donnus 
Nicolaus Germanus, with the dedication to Borso, in the 

(i) Appendix I. 

(2) The reason given, that Don Nicol6 was eager to return to Florence, 
is the more noteworthy, as Campori has in error put "Ferrara" for 
" Florence." 

(3) Appendix II. and IV. 

(4) Appendix III. 

(5) Targioni, " Viaggi in Toscana," lib. 32. 


Biblioteca Laurenziana in Florence.^ In addition to the 
ordinary 27 Ptolemy maps these two copies have three fresh 
maps, Spain, Italy, and the map of the northern regions, 
embracing Norway, Sweden, Greenland, and the adjacent 
territories. It is curious that the dedication makes no men- 
tion of these maps. Donnus Nicolaus has reproduced almost 
word for word the dedication which he placed in front of 
the edition of 1466.2 But in the dedication to Paul II, our 
cosmographer calls special attention to the addition of three 
new maps.^ Besides the two editions of Ptolemy mentioned 
above, another was also edited by Nicolaus Germanus. The 
chief point of difference from the first edition with 27 maps, 
and the second with 30 maps, is not merely its increase in 
numbers, 32,— there is a new map of France and of the Holy 
Land, — but the remarkable representation of the northern 
countries. The first edition exists in MS. in the valuable 
MS. presented to Borso in 1466, now in the Este Library in 
Modena, and in the fine Codex, no. 4805, in the Biblioth^que 
Nationale in Paris. From a careful collation I discovered 
that the Paris Codex has only 27 maps, and no map of 
Greenland.^ The same is the case with the Modena copy.^ 
The same 27 maps are also to be found in the Codex Ebner- 
ianus, of which Raidel^ has given such a detailed account. 
The second edition in MS. exists at Warsaw, in the Zamoisky 
Codex, and in the two Vatican Codices,'' in each of these 
there is the dedication to Paul II., and also in the two 
Codices at Florence, which are dedicated to Duke Borso.^ 

(i) Plut. XXX. n. 3, 4. I learn through the courtesy of Dr. Marzi 
that only n. 4 contains the Hymn in praise of Italy. 

(2) Appendix VI. particularly no. 3. I am again indebted to Dr. 
Marzi for these notes and for various collations. 

(3) Appendix VI. no. 3. 

(4) Walkenaer is of the contrary opinion (" Bibliogr. Univ.^^) — Donis, 
1 8 14, and later editions. 

(5) Campori's note that the Codex has only 17 (diecisette) maps is, 
Father Manganotti assures me, contrary to fact. 

(6) " Coinmentatio critica^"^ Norimb., 1737, p. 26, etc. 

(7) Cod. Urbin. lat. 274, 5. Father Ehrle, the Vatican Librarian, has 
been kind enough to furnish me with these notes : Cod. Urbin. lat. 274, 
pergam. saec. XV. 445 x 304 mm. ff. 134. Cod. Urbin. lat. 275, pergam. 
saec. XV. 442 x 291 mm. ff. 129. 

(8) " Bibl Laurenz^ Plut. XXX. n. 3, 4. See Gallois, " Les g^o- 
grapheSy^ p. 19, n. 2 ; though the proposition that Dom Nicolas had 
already added the three new maps — Italy, Spain, and the Northern Re- 
gions — to his ^rst edition, is untenable. 


The corresponding map of the northern regions is also to be 
found in the isth century Ptolemy MS., no. 1935 (249), in 
the Biblioteca Nazionale and in the Buondelmont^ Codex 
in the Biblioteca Laurenzlana, in Florence. The third edition 
exists only, so far as is known at present, in the unique MS. 
copy in the Library of Furst Waldburg-Wolfegg, at Wolfegg 
Castle, in Wiirttemberg.^ Each of the three editions has an 

(i) The Wolfegg Ptolemy Codex, 440 x 290 mm., is a manuscript 
on parchment in a red velvet cover, the silver mounting of which is much 
damaged. Of the 169 folio leaves, ']^ are occupied by the dedication to 
Pope Paul II. (cf, the frontispiece) and the text of Ptolemy, 64 by the 
maps, 26 by the subsequent additions, and two are blank. The pagination 
of the text (77 leaves) is of later date, as is also that of the maps (32 — 
two folio leaves being devoted to each map with its text). There is no 
pagination to the parts that were afterwards added : (a) at the very 
commencement, and before the title-page, the introduction of Reger to 
his Registrum alphabeticum super octo libros Ptolemaei, which begins 
with the words : Nota ad inveniendum, and ends with : subscribitur 
civitatibus (the Registrum itself is wanting) ; (b) at the end, after the 
maps, the treatise : De locis ac mirabilibus mundi, which, like the 
paragraph : Nota ad inveniendum, is evidently taken from the Ulm 
edition of Ptolemy of i486. The binding is of more recent date. The 
Codex is richly illuminated, as may be seen from the title-page. If we 
except those in the parts of later addition, the miniatures are very 
carefully executed and are apparently of Florentine workmanship. 
Unfortunately, the coat of arms is so completely effaced {cf, the frontis- 
piece) that it is no longer recognisable, nor is there anything else to 
determine the origin of the Codex ; it is, however, certain that, in the 
year 1672, it was already in Wolfegg. In a catalogue of books in the 
Wolfegg Library, officially drawn up on the 26th July, 1679 (Wolfegg 
Archives, No. 2899), it is described as : "Manuscripta i, bound in red 
velvet, with silver clasps, and consisting of old maps." As has been 
already indicated in the Preface, the Wolfegg Ptolemy manuscript served 
^ as a prototype for the Ulm editions of Ptolemy of 1482 and i486. This 
interesting but unexpected fact became evident to me after a very close 
comparison of the text and the maps, an especially characteristic feature 
is the agreement in obvious errors, e.g.^ ben^ for bene, manarchiam for 
monarchiam, l^cum for locum, ejr^debat for excedebat, moz/eat for 
moveat, ex^n?vimus for exornavimus, antem for ante (which last mistake 
is, like many others, corrected in the Ulm edition of 1486),/^^ for pro, 
D^lmatia for Dalmatia, etc. (cf, also Suppl. V and VI). Smaller 
variations may be easily accounted for. The map of the world gave 
more trouble. The spelling scitlander for islanda must of course be 
regarded as a printer's error ; but what is the original source of the many 
new names ? Doubtless, the engraver Johannes de Armszheim may 
have been able to avail himself of a second original source, but this 
assumption is unnecessary, as all the names on the Ulm world maps, 
both on that of the world and on the respective special maps, may be 
referred to the Wolfegg manuscript. Upon a printed map of the world, 
which Henry N. Stevens discovered, and had the kindness to send me a 
photograph of from London, there are fewer names to be found than 
upon the maps of the world in the Ulm editions of Ptolemy ; but more 
than there are on the map of the world of the Wolfegg Codex. As 
Stevens himself intends to give further information about the map, the 
only remark to be made here is that maps of the world and of the 
northern regions, of the type B and b, are not uncommonly appended to 


important bearing on the development of cartography. To 
the first edition belong the Rome editions of Ptolemy of 
14781 and 1490, to the second the maps of the Canerio or 
Cantino-type, as far as relates to northern Europe and the 
peninsula of Greenland, and to the third, the Ulm editions 
of 1482 and i486. As to the date of the preparation of the 
three editions, we may safely say that the first was completed 
in 1466, and the third in 1482. The second contains the 
dedication to Paul 11. who was pope from 1464 to 1471, and 
we should, therefore, fix its date about 1470, but against this 
is the fact that we find on every known MS. copy of the 
second edition the legend : "Ducatus Olfatie" (see Plate III), 
which cannot be earlier than 1474, as Holstein did not be- 
come a Duchy till that year. I cannot explain this difficulty, 
and the presentation copy and the Papal Brief of thanks 
have not yet been traced. 

It is incorrect to ascribe to Donnus Nicolaus Germanus 
the tracts in the Ulm edition of i486, "Registrum alpha- 
beticum super octo libros Ptolomaei," and " De locis ac 
mirabilibus mundi."^ MS. copies of these are not to be 
found in the different editions of Ptolemy by Nicolaus. 
Johann Reger, of Kemmat, definitely claims the authorship 
of the " Registrum." Under the word Chemmat or Chetaori 
he tells us that Chemmat is marked on the fourth map of 
Europe, and is mentioned in the tenth chapter of the second 
book of Ptolemy, and then further on we read: Hie Johannes 
Reger duxit originem et anno etatis sue 32 composuit hoc 
registrum in Ulma anno Domini 1486.^ 

other maps ; e.g., at the National Library in Paris, Cod. lat. 4804 and 
1 1 523. The statement appertaining to the Tabula Moderna Prussie, 
Livonie et Gottie of the Cod. 11 523 is of interest: "Hec tabula extra 
ptolemeum noviter edita continet gothos et populos cardini proximos 
. . . Sinus autem a germanis ad ipsos protensus codanus dicitur. . . 
Pars ad cardinem obdurata glacie horescit. . ." 

(i) See Gallois "Z^j Gdographes^'* p. 19, note i. 

(2) /^., note 3. 

(3) After a careful examination of the Registrum, I found this signi- 
ficant statement in a copy of the Ulm edition of the year 1482 (in the 
Hofbibliothek at Munich). Chemnat, however, was not to be found on 
the fourth map of Europe, or in the text. The Registrum was evidently 
not prepared for the edition of 1482, but only for that of i486, in which 
the data in question are found in the text, and on the map. In the same 
Registrum, Reger's source is also to be met with under the word 
Cabulium, as follows : Hie dominus primus germani episcopus sacre 
theologie professor, qui anno Domini 1450 hos sanctos composuit in sua 




We cannot claim Reger, with the same amount of cer- 
tainty, as the author of the tract " De locis ac mirabilibus 
mundi," but there are grounds for believing that Reger 
inserted it in the edition. I will only mention the various 
references to the " Registrum," and the colophon with the 
printer's mark and the initials : I. R. (Joh. Reger). In any 
case, Nicolaus Germanus is not the author of the tract. 

The social position, the methods of work, and the literary 
relations of Donnus Nicolaus Germanus may, to a certain 
extent, be defined from the literary and very interesting dedi- 
cations to Duke Borso di Este and Pope Paul II. 

We can be sure, from the dedication to the Pope, that 
Nicolaus was a priest. He says that it is only natural that 
what a priest has put together (" quod a sacerdote provenit ") 
shall be dedicated to the chief of all priests ("ad omnium 
sacerdotum archimandritam referendum erit").^ He was an 
intimate friend of the chief litterati of Ferrara, as we also 
learn from the dedication to the Pope, and this statement is 
both justified and explained in the dedication to Duke Borso.^ 
Johannes Blanchinus and Petrus Bonus in particular were 
among his closest literary friends,^ for he mentions them before 

mappa mundi, quae spiritualis dicitur. When I gave Professor von 
Wieser oral information about this important find, he to my astonish- 
ment showed me an entry in the edition of Ptolemy of i486 (preserved 
at Innsbruck), inserted at the top of the first page of the registrum, and 
which, judging by the writing, may probably belong to the very end of the 
15th century. It runs thus: "Registrum sequens composuit Johannes 
Reger de Cemnat in ulma anno MCCCCLXXX6 [!], vide vocem Cemnat. 
Et satis patet eum ea, que in hoc registro compilavit, sumpsisse ex 
spiritual! mappa mundi composita per loannem Germani episcopum 
Cabilonensem composita anno 14XLIX*', unde et verba eiusdem inferius 
ponit." For an account of Jean Germain and his Works, see Feret, ^^ La 
FaculU de Thdologie de Paris au Moyen-dge^^ /f^ (Paris, 1897), 153, etc. 
The Mappa mundi spiritualis, which Feret failed to find, I discovered in 
manuscript in the Biblioth^que royale at Brussels, Manuscript No. 1 1038. 
This exceedingly carefully written manuscript on parchment is illumin- 
ated, with elegant gold and coloured initials. It bears the dedication : 
" A tres excellent prince mon tres redoubte seigneur et maistre Phelippe 
de France le second, par la grace de dieu due de Bourgoigne . . . 
Jehan germain, docteur en theologie a Paris, par la grace de dieu 
evesque de Chalon sur le son vostre tres humble soubget et chancellier 
de votre ordre de la toyson dor tout honneur et reverence." My best 
thanks are due to P. Van den Gheyn, S. J., the esteemed superintendent 
of the Manuscript Collection in the Biblioth^que royale, for his very kind 
assistance in my investigations. 

(i) See Appendix VI. No. 4b. 

(2) App. VI. no. 4 a. 

(3) For the men of learning mentioned by Nicolaus Germanus, see 
G. Uzielli, ^^ Paolo Toscanelli^^ particularly p. 401, etc, F. Borsetti, 


all/ and he had been recommended to them, when he presented 
his first edition of Ptolemy to the Duke.^ He explains his 
methods of work and his improvements in the Ptolemy maps 
with much self-satisfaction and confidence. His innovations 
were in the lines of degrees, and a more accurate delineation ^-^ 
of the outlines of countries, provinces, islands, mountains, 
lakes, etc,^ and in the size of the map. He gave a more handy 
form to an unwieldy sheet, and he replaced old maps by new.^ 
He assures us that he himself introduced the projection, now 
called the Donis projection, and yet von Wieser curtly dis- ^ 
misses this as "a trapeze-like projection with equi-distant 
rectilinear parallels, and meridians converging on the Pole." * 
In the same passage he goes on, misled by incorrect theories 
of D'Avezac^ and Nordenskiold,^ to assume that no good 
reason exists for attributing this projection to Donnus 
Nicolaus, but the honour of this discovery is certainly due to • 
our countryman. I am convinced from personal examination 
that the Greek Ptolemy Codex, no. 1 401, in the Biblioth^que 
Nationale in Paris is certainly marked with the trapeze-like 
projection, in which d'Avezac and Nordenskiold agree, and 
further that it shows an extraordinary resemblance with the 
handwriting of Donnus Nicolaus. D'Avezac and Nordenskiold 
were wrong in attributing the Codex to the late 14th or early 
1 5th century. It belongs to the late 1 5 th or early i6th century, 
and I think Gallois is quite correct in quoting this Paris MS. 
as a proof of the favourable reception accorded to the maps of 
this German cosmographer.^ 

^^ Hist, almi Ferrariae gyvinasii^'' 1735, 2 vol., and for ^^ Petrus Bonus^^ 
I. 62 ; II. 48. 

(i) Appendix VI. no. 4a. 

(2) Appendix II. 

(3) Appendix VI. no. i, 2, 3. 

(4) ''Review of 'Peripius^'' '' Peterm, Mitt.,'' 1890, XXXVI. 273. 

(5) " Coup d'oeil hist, sur la projection des cartes^' p. 43, etc. 

(6) '' Facsimile-Atlas^' '^. 135. 

(7) Gallois, p. 19, n. i. The passage runs thus : "Ces cartes, ainsi modi- 
fi^es, semblent avoir €\.€ prdffr^es, k partir de leur apparition, aux cartes 
de Fancien modHe. Ce sont alles qui furent gravies pour I'^dition romaine 
de 1478. Elles sont reproduites quelquefois dans les manuscrits, m6me 
dans un manuscrit grec {'' Bibl. Nat. fonds grec, 1401.") Sur les vingt- 
sept cartes de ce manuscrit, dix-neuf ont la projection en forme de trapeze. 
Ce manuscrit est certainement des demieres annees du XV si^cle ou 
pliitot encore des premieres du XVI e. La petite mappemonde dessin^e 
au frontispiece et ou I'on voit une partie de I'Amdrique ne permet pas 
d'en douter." 


Uzielli belittles the merits of Donnus Nicolaus in intro- 
ducing the so-called Donis-Projection, by insisting that Petrus 
" Bonus and Hieronymus Manfredi were already acquainted 
with the idea, but preferred the conic system, but he seems to 
start with the idea that the preparatory work of these scholars 
for the Bologne edition of Ptolemy of 1462 (or rather 1472) 
was prior to the work dedicated to Duke Borso in 1466 by the 
German cosmographer. But the contrary was more likely. 
The Modena Ptolemy MS. has been erroneously attributed to 
Petrus Bonus, but it was compiled by Peregrinus Priscianus.^ 
Donnus Nicolaus describes in each of his dedications ^ how he 

Nl/ came to introduce the trapeze-formed projection, and in the 
Wolfegg MS. the passage of Ptolemy which gave him the idea 
is marked by a double asterisk. The passage is on fol. 14 of 
the MS., at the end of Book I : " Ex his igitur modus iste 
melior habetur, quam primus, sed ab illo etiam deficiet in 
facilitate designationis. Cum illic ab unius regule circumduc- 
tione : descriptio uno paralello divisoque locari possit quilibet 
locus ; hie autem non similiter contingit ob meridionalium 
lineas ad medium flexas. Omnes enim circulos inscribere 
singillatim oportebit et locorum situs inter paralellos incidentes 
ex utrorumque rationibus coniectare." It is therefore clear 
that in Donnus Nicolaus we see " a German Humanist passing 
part of his life in Italy, and admitted to the circle of scholars 

^ in Ferrara, a priest with leisure enough to devote all his efforts 
to improving the text and the maps of Ptolemy." ^ 

(i) Father Mangonotti was good enough to favour me with these 
theories, which are of the greatest interest to a student of cartography, 
and which I hope he will himself subsequently expound in greater detail. 
For Peregrinus Priscianus see Uzielli, p. 306, 432, 645 b, and Borsetti I. 136, 
etc, : II. 124, etc, 

(2) See Appx. VI. no. i. 

(3) See my essay on ^^ Pseudo-Donis und seine Werke^^ in the Pro- 
ceedings of the 5th International Congress of Roman Catholic Savants, 
Munich, 1901, p. 436. I pointed out the advantages of pursuing the 
question whether our Nicolaus Germanus was identical with the "Nicolaus 
teotonichus " (Campori, " Gli artisti italiani e stranieri negli stati Estensi^^ 
Modena, 1855, P- 495)> ^^^^ about the middle of the 15th century was a 
member of the Artists' Guild in Padua, and a pupil of the famous Squar- 
cione, because the MSS. of Donnus Nicolaus are remarkable for the beauty 
of the miniatures {e, g. the picture of Ptolemy or that of the Bishop on 
the title-page), and because Don Nicol6 himself draws special attention 
to the artistic side of his work. I therefore followed up this point very 
closely. Father Mangonotti, to oblige me, undertook to examine the 
Modena Archives, and with gratifying success. He may not have found 
any very definite description of the painter " Nicolaus tetonichus," but after 
considerable trouble he unearthed the original of Crivelli's diary at the 


It would take too much space to examine in detail the 
modern maps of Spain, Italy, France and the Holy Land, 
which Dom Nicolaus added to the 27 Ptolemy maps. Like rw? 
the maps of the Northern regions, to which we must pay more 
particular attention, they are based on earlier prototypes.^ 
We have already noticed that Nicolaus Germanus only gives 
us maps of the North in his second and third editions of ,;::::^ 
Ptolemy. It has not however been sufficiently remarked that 
Nicolaus Germanus presents Greenland in both editions on ^ 
his map of the World {Plate I. III. and K), and that in the 
third edition he has given the preference to a striking repre- 
sentation of Greenland as due north of the Scandinavian 
peninsula, though in the second edition he gives us the correct 
map by Claudius Clavus. For the sake of clearness we will 
follow Nordenskiold, von Wieser and Ruge, and divide the 
representations of Greenland in the Ptolemy MSS. into two 
classes : first, the maps showing Greenland in its true position 
to the west of Scandinavia and Iceland, and secondly, the 
maps showing Greenland to the north of Scandinavia and the \ 
east of Iceland. In Donnus Nicolaus both types appear : the 

zenith of his fame — a work of the greatest artistic importance. From this, 
Father Mangonotti was able to show the relations between the famous 
miniature painter, Thaddaeus Crivelli,a pupil of Squarcione, and "Maistro 
Nicol6 todesco cartolaro," who between 1452 and 1466 not only supplied^^ 
Crivelli with colours, but also gave him the most varied commissions, e.g, 
to ornament the Grammar of Donatus, Breviaries, Missals, etc. with initial 
letters, scrolls, small and large miniatures (Appx. VII. and for Crivelli see 
H. J. Hermann, ''^ Miniaturmalerei^^ p. 145, etc.) This "Maistro Nicol6 
todesco" is very probably — and in this Dr. Marzi concurs — the " Maestro 
Nicolo Todescho," who appears as a Florentine printer between 1470 and '^ 
1589. Dr. Marzi's valuable theories on this point are given in the memorial 
volume compiled for the 500th anniversary of the birth of Gutenberg, 
Mainz, 1900, under the title : "/ tipografi tedeschi in Italia durante il 
secolo A'F." especially on pages 434-36, 442, 445, etc. The bookseller 
"Maistro Nicolo todesco cartolaro" and the printer "Maestro Nicolo ^^ 
Todescho" may be one and the same person, and if so, we shall then be 
face to face with the question, is this person the same as Donnus Nicolaus 
Germanus ? Dr. Marzi is best fitted to solve this difficulty, but he has as yet 
shrunk from a definite solution, though in a letter to me he seemed rather 
against the identification. I cannot quite agree with Ceradini, when in 
his scholarly and suggestive book, ^^Aproposito del due globi Mercatoriani^ 
1 541-155 1," Milan, 1894, p. 90, etc.^ he advances the theory that Nicolaus 
Germanus, Nicolaus Hahn and the Florentine printer, are one and the 
same person, for I think there must be at least two persons. I may later 
find a suitable opportunity to examine this difficulty more critically. The 
archives of the reign of Paul II should be searched, as there may be a 
letter of thanks for the dedication in Donnus Nicolaus Germanus's edition 
of Ptolemy. 

(\)lSee the excellent examples given in Gallois, p. 19, etc. 



first, type A {Plate II , and IV,) and the corresponding map of 
the world, type a {Plate /. and III, \ which we may briefly call 
Y the Claudius Clavus or Zamoisky type, in his second edition 
of Ptolemy ; the second, type B {Plate VI,) and the corres- 
ponding map of the world, type b (Plate F".), in his third 
edition. This latter can be traced back to Nicolaus Ger- 
manus,^ so we may well call it the Nicolaus Germanus 
type, or to take an analogy from the Zamoisky type, we 
may christen it the Wolfegg type. Of the first type, we 
have the Zamoisky Codex in Warsaw, the two Vatican 
MSS., of whose maps of Greenland Father Ehrle, the 
Vatican librarian, was good enough to send me copies, 
and the two Codices dedicated to Duke Borso, now in the 
Biblioteca Laurenziana, both in the map of the world and in 
the special maps of the Northern regions. Similar maps are 
found in other Codices, in the " Descriptio Cycladum aliarum- 
que insularum" by Christopher Buondelmonte in the Biblioteca 
Laurenzia, Plut. XXX. cod. 25, sec. XV, and in the splendid 
Ptolemy MS., sec. XV. 1935 (249) in the Biblioteca Nazionale 
in Florence, to which von Wieser was the first to call attention.^ 
The second type, I believe, exists only in MS. in the Wolfegg 
Codex. It appears again however in the Ulm editions of 1482 
and i486, and has repeatedly given rise to this query : How 
is it possible that the northern regions should be so correctly 
delineated, as they undoubtedly were in Claudius Clavus, and 

(i) Gallois, p. 20, supports Nordenskiold's view that the map of the 
northern regions published by Ruelens (" Monuments de la gdogr. des bibl. 
de Belgique^^) proves the existence of an earlier prototype, and I have 
myself examined the Brussels Ptolemy very carefully, so that I am inclined 
to think that Ruelens was justified in considering the Brussels map, drawn 
as it is on Mercator's Projection, as copied from a map of the Northern 
Regions by " Donis." 

(2) In the review of "Periplus," Peterm. Mitt. XXXVI. 1890, p. 276. 
I wrote to Dr. Marzi, who informs me that in the MS. of the ^^ Biblioteca 
Nazionale^^ [sec. XV. 1935 (249) or in its present designation] ^^Cod, Magl,^^ 
CI. XIII. n. 16, there is no map of the world showing Greenland, but there 
is " una bellissima tavola moderna deir Italia," and also the modern maps 
of France, Spain and Palestine. There is a note in the Catalogue : " Le 
carte sono identiche air edizione della Geografia fatta a Roma nel 1507 
dal Vitali." Von Wieser, in his review of " Periplus," p. 192, etc, points 
out that in Henricus Martellus's ^^ Insularium Illustratum^^ there is a most 
interesting map of the world with a correct representation of Greenland, 
which is also to be found in the Buondelmonte MS. in the Biblioteca 
Laurenziana^ Plut. XXIX. 25, but it must be noted that Henricus Mar- 
tellus, whose map of the world in his ^^ Insularium^^ cannot have been 
published till after 1498, may have used the hitherto unknown maps of the 
world by Nicolaus Germanus. 


yet come to be so incorrectly depicted in the Ulm type ? This 
riddle is all the more piquant to us, because we ascribe the 
change to Donnus Nicolaus, though in his second edition his 
representation is correct. 

Nordenskiold explained this magic dislocation of Green- 
land by saying that a cosmographer in the 15th century made 
allowance for the variation of the needle of the compass, 
which was not understood in the 1 3th century. This attempt 
is futile, if we join Storm in dating the origin of the northern 
maps in question from the isth century, and not from the 
13th. It is all the more untenable, because Iceland has not 
altered its position. We cannot wonder, therefore, that the 
critics will have none of Nordenskiold's explanation.^ 

Von Wieser*s solution is somewhat more probable : " I 
think that in the maps of type C [the Wolfegg type] two 
Norse originals, a map of Greenland and a map of the; 
Scandinavian peninsula, have voluntarily combined. The I 
dislocation of Greenland was caused by the confusion of the 
names " Gronelant " and " Engronelant " (Fig^ \)? But this 
is no solution of the problem as it makes the maps combine 
"voluntarily." If we wish to satisfactorily explain why 
Greenland was so strangely shifted to the north of Scan- 
dinavia, we must consider, as Storm warned me, the state of 
the Italian knowledge of Arctic circles. We must not forget 
that, even in 1427, Cardinal Filiaster, using Norse authorities, 
described the relative position of Greenland to the Scan- 
dinavian peninsula and Iceland, exactly as it appears on the 
Wolfegg Northern map {Plate VL), and in the Ulm editions 
of Ptolemy. I have more than once laid the text of Cardinal 
Filiaster before my philological colleagues, and requested 
them to give me their view of the position of Greenland in 
relation to the Scandinavian peninsula and Iceland, and I 
never failed to receive the answer, that Greenland figured as 
north of the peninsula, and east of Iceland. Nordenskiold 
gives part of the text, but does not explain that the Cardinal ^ 
wrote this part before he received the Clavus map, and thus 
I was unable at the start to explain the apparent contra- 
diction between the Nancy map and the words of the 
Cardinal. I was anxious to solve the riddle, and went to 

(i) C/. the reviews of " Periplus" by von Wieser, Ruge and Storm. 
(2) Von Wieser, *^ Review of the ^ Periplus^ ^^ p. 193. 

G 2 


Nancy with the firm expectation of finding in the famous 
Nancy Codex a map of the Wolfegg type, as well as the 
Clavus map. I did not find the map I expected, but I found 
a key to the difficulty: the Cardinal must have taken his 
description from some other Norse sources,^ as he had written 
them down, before he knew the Clavus map. Filiaster 
actually remarks upon the want of agreement between his 
description and the Clavus map. This passage is of such 
striking importance that I will quote it in full : " Octava 
Europae tabula," as he notes on the eighth map, Europe,^ 
" continet Sarmatiam europe, id est, illas regiones, que sunt 
ab Germania ad septentrionem versus orientem^ in quibus est 
Polonia, pruthia, lituania et alie ample regiones usque ad 
terram incognitam ad septentrionem, partem dacie et tauri- 
cam Chersonesum usque ad paludem meotin. Et ibi thanay 
fluuius, qui diuidit europam ab asia in parte septentrionali et 
versus orientem. Item continet, ultra quam ponit tholomeus, 
noruegiam, suessiam, Rossiam utramque et sinum codanum 
diuidens germaniam a nouergia et Suessia. Item alium sinum 
ultra ad septentrionem , qui omni anno congelatur in tercia 
parte anni. Et ultra ilium sinum est grolafidia, que est versus 
insulam tyle magis ad orientem et ita tenet totam illam 
plagam septentrionalem usque ad terram incognitam, de 
quibus tholomeus nullam facit mencionem et creditur de illis 
non habuisse noticiam. Ideo hec VI 11^ tabula est multo 
amplior describenda. Propter quod quidam claudius cym- 
bricus illas septentrionales partes descripsit et fecit de illis 
tabulam." The same hand made the subsequent addition to 
the text : " que jungitur europe et ita erunt XL" Filiaster 
himself does not fail to call attention to the difference between 
his account and that of the Claudius map, not known to him 
at the time : " Et tamen nullam facit mencionem de illis 
duobus sinibus maris nouergie^ et grolandie;" he picks out 

(i) As I subsequently came to see, Storm was right in referring the 
theories of Filiaster to Scandinavian sources, which were known to the 
Cardinal before 'the Clavus map and description, but Storm did not pay 
sufficient attention to the importance of the theories of Filiaster for the 
curious representation of Greenland. 

(2) Storm, ''''Claudius Clavus ^^ Ymer, 1891, p. 135, etc, 

(3) Storm rightly calls attention to the fact that the Cardinal missed 
the term " sinus Codanus " on Claudius Clavus's map, and, may we add, 
a "sinus Gronlandiae" corresponding to his ideas. This remark of 
Filiaster's may, perhaps, give us the clue to the marvellous conglomera- 
tion of bays on Donnus Nicolaus's maps of the northern regions. 


what he thinks are important ethnographical bits of informa- 
tion from the map : " In his regionibus septentrionalibus 
sunt gentes diverse, inter quas unipedes et pimei, item griffones 
sicut in oriente, ut vide in tabula." Filiaster also does not 
omit to give his own views on the northern regions of Europe 
in the paragraph on Germany : " In ista parte septentrionali 
Europe omittit Tholomeus plurimas regiones ad septentrionem, 
de quibus, quia ipse Australis fuit, credo eum non habuisse 
noticiam ; omittit enim magnum sinum Cogdmium^ qui ex 
occeano e directo Anglie et Scotie exiens transit usque ad 
Prussiam et Poloniam et diuidit Almaniam a Norwegia et 
Suesia, in quo sinu est Dacia Insula et Regnum, quam forte 
alio nomine vocat et in isto sinu capiuntur Aleca habundan- 
tius et per hunc navigatur de Prussia ad Galliam et econtra. 
Omittit eciam mare^ quod dicitur congelatumy quia per maiorem 
partem anni est glaciatum et est iyiter Nonvegiam et Gro- 
landiam^ quam eciam omittit maxima septentrionalem regionem 
ad Oceanum septentrionalem versus Occidentem et insnlam 

Storm is right in reminding us that Filiaster did not, nor, 
indeed, could he, borrow the " Sinus Cogdanus " and the 
" mare congelatum " from Ptolemy, but from the Roman geo- 
graphers (Mela, Pliny, or Solinus). His other ideas are more 
modern in character, and are taken from oral or MS. Norse 
authorities. If we delineate Greenland from these ideas, it 
must come north of Norway and east of Iceland. Filiaster's 
observations, or similar Scandinavian authorities, have been 
the cause of the extraordinary alteration in the cartographical 
representation of Greenland. Long before Donnus Nicolaus, 
but from similar reports on the far north, Greenland (" grin- 
land") was drawn on the Genoa Mappemonde of 1447^ to 
the north of the Scandinavian peninsula, and to the east of 
the unnamed islands. Donnus Nicolaus made use of Scan- 
dinavian authorities, because he gives on his Mappemonde 
not only the island " islanda," but also, far north of the most 
northerly point of Greenland, the " insula glaciei " ( Wolf egg 
Codex, see Plate V, and Fig. 2 on p. 86), or " glacialis " (Ulm 
editions). The term " insula glacialis " (Iceland) is the 
Scandinavian name for Iceland.^ The " insula glacialis " had 

(i) Lelewel, '' epilogue ^ tab. IV. 
(2) p. 68, note 5. 




not up to now received much attention and owes its northerly 
situation above the north point of Greenland to the con- 
sideration, that the " icy Island " or " Ice Island " must, of 
necessity, be situated farther north than the "green land." 
But, is Greenland really the peninsula to the south of the 
"insula glaciei." Nordenskiold or Ruge, or, indeed, any 
scholar, has put forward no such suggestion. The meaning, 
however, is quite clear. The transition land : pilappelanth 
{Plate VI) or pilapelant {Plate V. and Fig, 2), and the 
horizontal and vertical form of the peninsula are clear on 
this point. I submitted my views for safety's sake to my 
honoured master, Professor von Wieser, and he entirely 
agreed. When we discovered what we believed to be the 
first map bearing the word "America," [Geographical Journal, 
London, Feb. 1902, vol. XIX. no. 2, pp. 201-209], I found to 
my joy that Waldseemiiller had also taken the peninsula to 
be Greenland (" engronelant "). 

The representation of Greenland, as north of the Scan- 
dinavian peninsula and east of Iceland, but without the 
"insula glacia- 

r\^^tl\\i\cL^ \ I l^s," is repeated 

on the maps of 
the world and of 
the northern re- 
gions in later 
centuries.^ I find 
it no difficult 
task to explain 
this peculiarity, 
since it has fallen 
to my lot to dis- 
cover the miss- 
ing map of the 
world by Wald- 
seemiiller, dated 
1507. This map, 
rather more than 
3*2 m. square, 
shows Greenland as it appears on the map of the world in 
the Wolfegg Codex (type b. see Plate V. fig. 2, and the wall 
(i) See Table in Storm, " Claudius ClavusJ^ 1891, p. 36. 

Fig. 2. 


map on Plate VIL which has no " insula glaciei *'), and the 
Ulm editions of Ptolemy, and also as it appears on the map 
of the northern regions (type B. see Plate VI. and the corres- 
ponding part of the map of the world, by Waldseemiiller, on 
Plate VII.). This map was published in an edition of looo 
copies/ was unusually quickly circulated,^ and was pirated to 

(i) This fact is expressly stated by Waldseemiiller himself in the 
somewhat discursive legend of the "Carta Marina" of 1 516: "Generalem 
igitur totius orbis typum, quem ante annos paucos absolutum non sine 
grandi labore ex Ptolomei traditione ... in lucem edideramus et in mille 
exemplaria exprimi curavimus." 

(2j As early as February, 1508, Waldseemiiller was able to write to 
his friend, Matthias Ringmann : " Cum his diebus Bacchanalibus solatii 
causa, qui mihi mos est, in Germaniam venissem e Gallia seu potius ex 
Vogesi oppido, cui nomen Sancto Deodato, ubi ut nosti meo potissimum 
ductu labore, licet plerique alii falso sibi passim ascribant Cosmographiam 
universalem tarn solidamquam planam 7t07t sine gloria et laude per orbeni 
disseminatam nuper composuimus, depinximus et impressimus." Cf. A. 
Elter, *'Z?^ Henrico Glareano^'' p. 13. I have had the good fortune to 
discover a copy of Waldseemiiller's map of the world, 1507, and of his 
maritime chart, "Carta marina," 15 16, which are first mentioned in this 
passage, and a few words may not be out of place, though a full account 
will appear with the photo-facsimile of this cartographic treasure, which 
we have in preparation. I had spent two days in carefully examining the 
contents of Prince Waldburg-Wolfegg's library. The following day I 
came across a Codex, elephant folio, dated 1 5 1 5. The printed book-plate, 
with the words : "Hoc te posteritas Schonerus munere donat / Quo stante, 
ingenij stant monimenta sui," showed that the volume was formerly in 
the possession of the famous mathematician and cartographer, Joh. 
Schoner. The second sheet of the maps (see Plate VII.) in particular 
drew my attention, for Greenland was drawn exactly as in the map of the 
world and the map of the northern regions in the Wolfegg Codex. I 
turned over some more sheets, and on sheet 9 1 found "America" printed 
in large type. I also found on the lower edge of the map, in large capital 
letters, the beginning of the title of the gigantic map of the world, con- 
tinued on sheets 10, 11 and 12 : "Universalis Cosmographia / secundum 
Ptholomaei traditionem / et Americi Vespucii aliorumque / lustrationes." 
On turning over I came on another map, of which the title, also in large 
capitals on the upper edge of sheets 13 to 16, ran as follows : "Carta 
marina navigatoria Portugalien [sium] navigationes atque tocius / cogniti 
orbis terre marisque formam naturamque, situs et terminos nostr / is 
temporibus recognitos et ab antiquorum traditione differentes, / eciam 
quor [um] vetusti non meminerunt autores, hec generaliter indicat." The 
date is fixed by sheet 20, which states that the map was printed on the 
eve of Whit-Sunday, 1516 : "cum gratia et privilegio imperiali ad quat- 
tuor annos. Exartum [a later gloss = Exaratum] in vigilia Penthecostes 
Anno Domini mellesimo quingentesimo sedecimo." On the very next 
sheet I found a very long legend, beginning : " Martinus Waldsemuller (!) 
Ilacomilus lectori felicitatem optat incolumem." So the " Carta marina " 
was by Waldseemiiller ! This is confirmed by sheet 24, where 1 think 
the place of printing is also given : " Consumatum est in oppido S. Deo- 
dati compositione et digestione Martini Waldseemuller. llacomili." It 
was not so easy to arrive at the exact history of the first map, '* Uni- 
versalis cosmographia." It was qertainly by Waldseemiiller, and was 
finished some years before the " Carta marina." The legends of both 
maps agree in this, but I had to consult Professor von Wieser before I 



an almost incredible extent by rival cosmographers. The 
incorrect representation of Greenland is, therefore, very 
common, and with the name " America,'* and the " Abbatia 

could determine the date, 1507, and the place of printing, St. Di^, or 
oppidum S. Deodati. We shall give full details of our conclusions in the 
preface to our edition of the fac-simile. 1 will only note that the genuine- 
ness of the map is proved by the famous " Cosmographiae introductio " 
of 1507, Waldseemiiller's companion publication. All the chief points 
in the preface are duly represented on the map of the World : the Papal 
Keys, the Imperial Eagle, the crescent, the little crosses to show the 
dangerous places, the name " America," etc. The plan of the two maps 
is uniform. Of the twelve sheets, on an average, without the margin, 
580 millemetres x 420 millemetres, the first four form the upper portion 
of the map, the next four the centre, and the next four the lower portion : 













Additional interest attaches to this discovery because here we have 
"pulls" of both maps, and we have both the MS. map and the proof of 
the printed map, so that we can almost see Waldseemiiller at work. 
Plates VII. and VIII. are sufficient to show that the artistic side is by no 
means inferior. 

The date, 15 15, at the back of the binding refers to an astronomical 
chart, now removed from this guard-book, and appears in the legend : 
"Joann. Stabius ordinavit, Conradus Heinfogel Stellas posuit, Albertus 
Durer imaginibus circumscripsit," in the year 15 15. The Codex contains 
a second chart with MS. notes by Schoner. The Waldseemiiller maps 
are not noted in any catalogue of the Wolfegg library, but the Diirer 
chart is carefully entered in the catalogue of the unique Wolfegg collection 
of engravings. The volume was probably purchased for the Diirer en- 
graving alone. 

A few books on the subject are : " Cosmographiae introduction'' 1 507 ; 
d^ PixtzdiC, ^^ Martin Hylacomilus Waltzemiiller^^ Paris, 1867; A. Elter, 
"Z?^ Henrico Glareanoj^^ L. Gallois, "Z^j Gdogr^ p. 38, etc.^ and '''"Amdric 
Vespuce et les gdographes de Saint-Did^^ Firenze, 1899 ; and von Wieser's 
works quoted m my Bibliography. Harrisse, " Discovery ^^ p. 444, seems 
positive that North and South America would appear all as one country 
on the map of the World of 1507, but he is only partially correct. The 
cartouche, representing Americus Vespucius's idea of the world, a com- 
panion cartouche to the portrait of Ptolemy {Plate Vn.\ shows North and 
South America as one country, but on the map of the world they are 
divided by straits. Harrisse, p. 278, identifies Waldseemiiller's " Carta 
marina " of 15 16, with his map of the world of 1507, while, Nordenskiold 
in his ^^ Facsimile- At las ^^ (p. 129), and in still stronger terms in his 
^^ Periplus^^ (p. 153), disputes all claims of Waldseemiiller to original 
work, and can make nothing of Ortelius's theory about the " Carta 
Marina." My discovery of the " Carta Marina " must, therefore, be of 
even more importance than that of the map of the world of 1507. 
Another interesting point is Waldseemiiller's name for the mainland 
opposite Isabella Island (Cuba) on his " Carta Marina :" Terra de Cuba, 
Asie partis, which works in with Columbus's idea that he had discovered 
the east coast of Asia, he does not show on his map the junction with 


omnium sanctorum," forms a very good guide in estimating 
the influence of Waldseemiiller's Map of the World of 
1507. This German cosmographer issued his Cosmographia 
Universalis in the form of a globe (" in solido "),^ and, 
simultaneously, in the form of a Mappemonde as well, which 
explains the frequent occurrence of the peculiar representa- 
tion of Greenland on more than one kind of globes. Stobnicza 
slavishly copied the wall maps of Waldseemiiller, and, there- 
fore, he could not but reproduce the incorrect drawing of 
Greenland with the name " Engronelant/'^ Glareanus does 
not attempt to hide his indebtedness to Waldseemiiller, and 
it is no wonder, therefore, that in his maps also Greenland 
does not figure any the more correctly.^ Apianus makes use 
of Waldseemiiller, but not by name, but his representation 
of Greenland betrays the source of his information.^ The 

Asia, but he gets over this difficulty by omitting 105 degrees of longitude. 
It will interest a larger circle to know that Waldseemiiller tried to undo 
the wrong done to Columbus by calling the new land " America," after the 
Florentine, Americus Vespucius. In the " Carta marina," near the Tropic 
of Capricorn, the word " America " has been deleted, and replaced by 
capital letters : " Brasilia sive terra papagalli," parrot-land, and a lengthy 
legend has been added, in which *' A/^ericus Vespucius " is placed third, 
and Christopher Columbus comes first : " Hec per Hispanos et Portogal- 
enses frequentatis navigationibus inventa circa annos Domini 1492, 
quorum capitanei fuere Cristoferus Columbus lanuensis primus. Petrus 
Aliares [Cabral] secundus. Albericusque Vesputius tertius." 

Father Albert, the Director of the Stadtarchiv in Freiburg im Breisgau 
i^'' Zeitschrift fiir die Geschichte des Oberrheins^^ N. S. XV. 1900, p. 510, 
etc^^ gives us valuable documentary information about the spelling of the 
name and native place (Radolfzell). Dr. Albert inclines to Walzenmiiller, 
following the Freiburg roll of Dec. 7, 1490 : " Martinus Waltzenmiiller 
de Friburgo, Constantiensis dioecesis, septima decembris," but I prefer 
"Waldseemiiller" as written by the cartographer himself. The name 
may have indicated the position of the family. One of the ancestors may 
have been the miller of Waldsee Castle, which is still in the possession 
of the Princes of Waldburg-Wolfegg, and is the seat of the eldest 
son. " Walzenmiiller " for " Waldseemiiller " is quite Suabian, as Father 
Hafner has rightly noted. To this day the natives say "Walzee" for 
" Waldsee." 

(i) Gallois, ''Lesg^ogr:' pi. II. 

(2) Cf. Nordenskiold, '' Facs.- Atlas ^' tab. XXXIV. Waldseemuller 
introduced at the top of his large map of the world two cartouches, the 
world as known to Ptolemy (pi. VII.), and to Americus Vespucius. 
Stobnicza has a rough imperfect copy, pi. XXXIII. 

(3) See E. Oberhummer, ^^ Zwei handschriftliche Karten des Glareanus 
in der Milne hener Universitdtsbibliothek ;^^ pi. III. ^^ Jahresbericht der 
Geogr, Gesellschaft in Miinchen^^ no. 14, 1892 ; A. Elter, "Z?^ Henrico 
Glareano^^ p. 11, etc.^ and pi. VI.; Nordenskiold, *'^ Periplus^^ p. 173, 
note 82. 

(4) Nordenskiold, '' Facs.-Atlas;' tab. XXXVIII. where "Engrene- 
lant" also occurs, and p. 93, note 57. 


same holds good of Benedetto Bordone,^ Orontius Finaus^ 
(Vinegia, 1528), Joachim Vadianus (Tiguri, 1534),^ Johann 
Honterus* and many others, perhaps not excluding Agnese ; 
of the latter I discovered a fine MS. hitherto unknown and 
unnamed, whose maps correspond with those published by 
Nordenskiold in PeripbiSy tab. XXIV. To mention one or 
other of the globes, the Waldseemiiller representation of 
Greenland is plainly visible on the Boulenger Globe ^ and the 
"Mappa mundi ad globum inducendem,"^ while the corres- 
ponding representation on the Lenox Globe ^ shows many 

The way in which Johannes Schoner, the former owner of 
the Wolfegg maps, made use of and added to the cartography 
of Waldseemiiller, deserves a special paragraph. Gallois, 
in his Les g^ographes allemands de la Renaissance (p. 82), 
enumerates six different kinds of Schoner globes. If the first 
of these globes, in the Liechtenstein collection, in Vienna, is 
really by Schoner, he must have followed Waldseemiiller very 
closely. The other globes, numbered 2, 3, 4, and 5, are quite 
different. On all of these he has supplemented Waldseemiiller 
by his characteristic northern Polar circle, which is worthy of 
note for the true understanding of the later cartographical 
works of Mercator, Ortelius, etc., and also for Schoner's 
Antarctic map, which balances the Arctic map.^ Schoner^s 

(i) Nordenskiold, '' Facsimile- Atlas ^' tab. XXXIX. 

(2) id. tab. XLI. 

(3) id. tab. 106, note 66. 

(4) id. p. 112, note 71. 

(5) id. tab. XXXVI I A. Henry Stevens and C. H. Coote, ''Schoner,'' 
fig- 2. 

(6) id. tab. XXXVI Ib. 

(7) id. p. 75, note 43. Stevens and Coote, fig. i. 

(8) How little was known about the northern regions in Waldsee- 
miiller's day is shown by the legend on his " Carta marina : " " Totam 
septentrionalem plagam cum suis conditionibus latius describere placuit 
hucusque differe ad particulare nostrum ob variorum lustratorum contro- 
versiam. Spero tamen in brevi hec eliminare juxta verum." I cannot 
find that Waldseemiiller ever carried out this intention of drawing a 
correct map of the northern regions, but even in the time of Mercator 
just as little was known about the Far North, as we see in a letter of 
thanks written by a son of Mercator, 1595, to a Scandinavian colleague 
of his father. 

(9) See the reproductions of the 1 5 1 5 Schoner Globe in Nordenskiold, 
''Facsimile-Atlas^' p. 78, note 46 ; Jomard, pi. XVII. and Gallois, pi. V. ; 
of the 1520 Globe, though not the whole, in von Wieser, " Magalhaes- 
Strasse^' pi. 1. ; of the 1523 Globe in Stevens, Schoner, fig. 5, and 


striking map of the North Pole district was due to the 
accounts of Claudius Clavus. I believe that the relationship 
of the Schoner globes to the descriptions of Claudius Clavus 
have not as yet been fully understood, so I will quote 
Schoner*s own version. Schoner says of the Peninsula of 
Greenland, in his Luculentissima Description 1515: " Grone- 
landia, quam et Engronelandiam vocant, chersonesus est 
dependet enim a terra inaccessibili a parte Septentrionis vel 
ignota propter glaciem . . . sub gradibus longitudinis 26 
usque ad 31; latitudinis vero 63, o" {Plates IL and IV.), 
The boundary land is then mentioned : " Uuildlapmanni, 
quorum regio Pilappelandia . . . ibi enim nimius [1. ultimus] 
limes cruce Christi signatus est {Plate IL and IV,), ne 
Christiani audeant absque licentia regis ultra accedere : etiam 
comitatu forti. Et est in gradibus 40, o ; 60, O. Et ab hoco 
versus occasum longissimo ambitu terre habitant dicti 
Uuidlappmanni homines sylvestres . . . Et ab illis ad 
occasum morantur Pigmei parui longitudine cubitales, quos 
vidit Claudius Clilaus niger captos in mari in navicula modica 
de corio preparata . . . Hec itaque portio permaxima 
Ptholomeo incognita permansit." Schoner's account of the 
intercourse between the Lapps, also called Karelians, and the 
people of Greenland, shows unmistakably the influence of 
Claudius Clavus (p. 64, note i) : " Laponia ingens terra versus 
polum septentrionalem, a populo dicta. Nam sylvestres 
sunt, qui etiam quotidie veniunt a septentrionibus terra 
incognita, ac a mari glaciali, qui et Caroli vocantur, merci- 
moniarum gratia in Gronlandiam cum exercitu magno, etiam 
ex altera poli septentrionalis parte." ^ The position of the 
Schoner globe No. 6, 1533, is quite peculiar. On this Green- 
land is shown not only north of the Scandinavian Peninsula, 
but also in its right place west of Iceland, otherwise this 
globe agrees with the map of the world by Orontius Finaus, 
1531,^ according to von VVieser and the reproduction of the 

in Nordenskiold, " Facsimile- Atlas ^^ tab. XL. Careful comparison with 
the reproduction given by Stevens shows that the " Mappa mundi auctoris 
incerti, Norimbergae, 1540" (?) is actually Schoner's Globe of 1523. 
For this Globe of. von Wieser, " Der verschollene Globus desjoh. Schoner 
von 1523." 

(i) Schoner, ^^ Opera mathematical^ Norimbergae, 1551, p. 139. See 
above p. 60, etc, 

(2) Nordenskiold, ^^ Facsimile- Atlas ^^ tab. XLl. For Orontius Finaus, 
see Gallois, ^^ De Orontio Finaeo^^ Paris, 1890. 


part of the globe in Harrisse's Discovery {Tab, XVII I.). 
The correct location of Greenland should not really be so 
surprising, as Waldseemiiller himself, in his Carta Marina^ 
1 516 (Plate VIII ^i and in the Strassburg edition of Ptolemy, 
of 1513^ gives Greenland its right place. In this case 
Schoner may perhaps not have been so directly indebted to 
Waldseemiiller, but rather indirectly through Orontius Finaus. 
The legend on the 1520 globe is characteristic of the way in 
which Schoner pirated the Carta Marina of Waldseemiiller : 
"terra de Cuba" {Plate VIII), and also the term "terra 
Corterat'' {Plate VIII) for the "litus incognitum"^ on the 
map of the world, 1 507 {Plate VII.) and the Schoner globe of 
15 1 5, and also the legend of the 1520 globe: " Haec terra 
inventa est ex mandato regis Portugalliae per capitaneum 
Gaspar Corterat anno Christi 1501,"^ which suits Waldsee- 
miiller's legend {Plate VIII) remarkably well. 

Waldseemiiller in his turn owed the correct draughtsman- 
ship of the new map prepared for the Carta Marina to the 
Cantino type. The Cantino map may, as I have already 
hinted, be traced back to a MS. by Donnus Nicolaus 
Germanus (second edition). It seems that the Carta Marina 
was published in a more limited edition and enjoyed an 
equally limited circulation, so that the correct location of 
Greenland was not so universally adopted till after the 
publication of the Zeno map, in ISSS.'* It requires further 
investigation before we can definitely say whether the Zeno 
map owes its existence to the second edition of Donnus 
Nicolaus Germanus or more directly to the map of Claudius 
Clavus. The original or an old copy of this latter map may 
have served Zeno as a prototype, as we find a more exact 
draughtsmanship, and the younger Zeno himself states that 
his prototype was " a chart of the northern regions, which he 
had discovered in his house, *all mildewy,* among some old 
papers,"^ and Zeno must have been acquainted with the 

(i) Nordenskiold, ^'^ Facsimile- Atlas ^'' tab. XXXV. 

(2) For this important discovery, see Harrisse, " Terra Neuvef 
especially p. 100, etc. For a prototype for the Terra Laboratoris, see 
Harrisse, p. 39. 

(3) Gallois, " Les gdogr.^'' p. 90, etc.^ who, not being acquainted with 
Waldseemiiller, rated too high the originality of Schoner. 

(4) Storm, " Claudius Clavus^'' Ymer, 1891, p. 37. 

(5) Lucas, Appx. II. fol. 47. See also Miller Christy, " The Silver 
Map of the World^'^ London, 1900, p. 54, etc. 


second edition of Donnus Nicolaus, as he also uses the word 
" Engronelant." 

The illustration, fig. 3, on this page, according to the 
title, " Gronelandi Pars," purports to represent a part of 

Fig. 3. 

Greenland. This and the other maps in the same Vatican 
Codex (Urbin. 275} originate from Donnus Nicolaus Germanus. 
But, if we regard for a moment the position and shape of the 
peninsula, there must be a confusion somewhere: it must 


mean " Scotiae Pars" {Plates II. and IV,). But the mistake 
does not seem to have had far-reaching consequences. 

Greenland was for centuries a flourishing Norse colony, 
and the news of this discovery was handed on for generations 
through the Arctic maps of Claudius Clavus and his followers. 
Norsemen from Greenland discovered Helluland, Markland, 
and Wineland, but ceased to visit them towards the close of 
iSth century, and it is therefore quite natural that Claudius 
Clavus omitted these countries from his map, and that thus 
they escaped the Ptolemy map of the world. According to 
early Norse traditions, Greenland forms the north-western 
peninsula of Europe, and it so appears on the map of 
Claudius Clavus. Nordenskiold published a 15th century 
Catalanian Portulan, which gives quite a different idea.^ In 
this the " green island " (ilia verde) takes the form of a long 
parallelogram extending from north to south, bending inwards 
at the south. Storm identified "ilia verde" as Greenland, 
and Fixland, the island on the north-east, as Iceland.^ Ruge^ 
agrees as to Greenland, and this is confirmed by the legend 
on the chart which I discovered in the Biblioth^que Nationale 
in Paris (Cod. Lat. 4801), which agrees in all essentials with 
Nordenskiold's map: "Insula viridis, de qua fit mentio in 
geographia." ^ 

In this representation all that has been preserved of the 
old Norse conception is the course given in the old sailing 
directions, according to which one was obliged to steer from 
Iceland to the south-west in order to arrive at Greenland.*^ 

In the vicinity of Ilia Verde there is a large, almost 
circular island, marked Brazil, which Storm correctly inter- 
prets as the ancient Markland.^ In order to understand this 
interpretation we must examine a little more closely the ideas 
of the former inhabitants of the north as to the position of 
Markland in relation to Greenland. In this connection an 

(i) Nordenskiold, '' Bidrag:' V. 

(2) Storm, " Coluinbus^^ p. 80, etc. 

(3) Ruge in '' Peterm. Mitt:' 1894, L. B., 315. 

(4) It is of interest to note that Waldseemiiller also drew a " viridis 
insula" on his 1507 map of the world, and to the west of Ireland. This 
is absent from the corresponding part of the Carta Marina, but the 
island of " Obrazill " takes the place of the " Green Island " {see PI. VII L). 

(5) of. Nordenskiold, ''^ Periplus^' p. loi. 

(6) Storm, " Columbus^ ?• 81, etc. 


opportunity is presented to us at the same time of acquiring 
a knowledge of the views of the Norsemen as regards Hellu- 
land and Wineland. 

" To the south of Greenland is Helluland, then comes 
Markland, from which it is no longer any great distance to 
Wineland the good, which, as some think, extends from 
Africa. If this is the case an arm of the sea separates Wine- 
land from Markland."^ This idea, couched in almost identical 
words, is repeated in two other Icelandic sources, and even in 
the Historia Norwegiae, This conception, if we omit the 
learned conjecture as to the relation of Wineland with 
Africa, exactly corresponds with the detailed accounts of the 
sagas as to the position of these countries to Greenland and 
to each other ; moreover the sagas supply several data, which 
at least makes possible an approximate determination of their 
geographical position. 

Upon the basis of an astronomical observation ascribed to 
Leif himself,^ it was formerly believed that one could accur- 
ately determine the position of Wineland. Naturally there 
would not be the least difficulty in the matter if the old Norse 
account actually ran thus : " Upon the shortest day the sun 
[in Wineland] remained above the horizon from half- 
past seven in the morning until half-past four in the after- 
noon."^ Unfortunately the old Norsemen have neither made, 
nor could have made, any such exact data as are given by 
Moosmiiller and all who depend upon Rafn. On the contrary, 
the actual statement is obscure and has experienced the most 
diverse interpretations. The difference in the length of the 
day is, according to the actual account, at the time of the 
winter solstice, i.e, on the 2ist of December, less in Wineland 
than in Greenland and Iceland ; the sun having then an 
Eykt and Dagmal position. Storm, in his Vinlandsreiserne, 
has subjected this statement to a new and searching examin- 
ation,^ and, after a well-founded rejection of all former 

(i) ''^ Mindesm^^ III. 221. Werlauff, ^^ Symbolae^^ p. 14. 

(2) This theory is untenable, for according to the " Book of Hauk^^ 
and the earliest Icelandic accounts, Leif spent the autumn of 1000 in 
Wineland, but there is not a single mention of a second sojourn in that 

(3) Moosmiiller, ^^ Europaer in Amerika^^ p. 119. Rafn, ^^Antiq, 
Amdric^^ p. 19 : " Ce soleil se levait k 7 h. et demie et se couchait k 4 h. 
et demie au jour le plus court." 

(4) Storm, " Vinlandsreiseme^^ pp. 1-7. 


explanations, brings forward a new interpretation of the 
Eykt and Dagmal position. This view commends itself, 
moreover, on the ground of its being supported by the still 
current linguistic usage in Norway. An exact astronomical 
determination is not to be thought of: but Storm, with the 
assistance of the astronomer H. Geelmydcn, was able to 
establish that Wineland could not be further to the north 
than 49° 55'. This calculation has, in addition, met with a 
thoroughly independent and lucid confirmation by the 
American astronomer, Phythian. In reply to an enquiry 
from the investigator Reeves, whose early death we all 
lament, the Director of the Maritime Observatory of the 
United States estimated that 49° 50' 2" was the furthest 
northern limit conformable to the record of the more restricted 
Eykt and Dagmal position.^ Thus the geographical latitude 
of central Newfoundland, or of the corresponding coast of 
Canada, would readily satisfy the astronomical observation, 
but of course a position considerably more to the south is not 
necessarily excluded. 

In order then to be able to obtain more exact data as to 
the position of Wineland the Good, we must look about in 
the sources for some other determining features. These are 
supplied by the Sagas, which inform us of the place of 
departure, as well as of the duration and direction of the 
voyage. As Storm has most carefully weighed all these 
circumstances, as his deductions have met with full recog- 
nition among experts, and finally, as all the objections that 
have been brought forward have only presented the oppor- 
tunity of placing the justice of his views in a clearer light, 
the final result of his investigations is here briefly given, 
along with his map (fig. 4). Helluland, which takes its name 
from the long, flat stone which attracted the special attention 
of the discoverers, corresponds with the present Labrador, 
although the northern peninsula of Newfoundland is not 
excluded. The hardy navigators came from Helluland in 

(i) Reeves, " Winelandi^ p. 184, etc, : "The data furnished are not 
sufficiently definite to warrant a more positive assertion than that the 
explorers could not have been, when the record was made, further north 
than lat. [say] 49** . . . that is to say Wineland may have been somewhat 
farther to the south than northern Newfoundland or the corresponding 
Canadian coast, but, if we may rely upon the accuracy of this astronomical 
observation, it is clear that thus far south it must have been." 



two further doegr} ue. in twice twelve hours, to Markland, 
whose density of wood astonished them. The Country of the 
Wood was reached " with a northerly wind." The direction 
and duration of the voyage, as well as the definition Country 
of the Wood, answer to Newfoundland. The third country, 
in conclusion, which was met with after a long voyage in a 
southerly direction, and which owed its enticing name of 
Wineland the Good to its abundance of wild grapes, is the 
present Nova Scotia in conjunction with Cape Breton. As 
Storm shows in detail, the description suits admirably these 
regions, just as one finds it given in the saga of Eric the 

Fig. 4. 

Red (Hanksbook) about the various voyages of research of 
Karlsefni on the coast of Wineland, with the stations Hop, 
Straumsfjord, Kjalarnas, and Krossanas.^ 

But however much in agreement the geographical position 
and horizontal form of Nova Scotia may be for the purpose 
of indicating it as Wineland, yet at a first glance it appears 
absurd to describe Nova Scotia as a Wineland, and that it 
was moreover said to produce wheat grown in a wild state. 

(i) Rafn interprets doegr as a course of 24 hours, including both day 
and night. Storm takes it to mean a course of 12 hours, whether by day 
or by night (" Vinlandsreiserne^^ p. 33, n. 2). Reeves (p. 173, n. 46) takes 
a similar view, and appeals among others to the ^^ Rimbegla^^ : " In the 
day there are two *doerg' ; in the ' doerg' twelve hours." 

(2) Storm, ** Vinlandreiseme^^ p. 40, etc, 



Without doubt at the present time this definition would not 
answer, for the limit of the growth of the vine upon the east 
coast of North America does not extend beyond North 
Carolina. But formerly it was otherwise. Nicolas Denys, a 
Frenchman, who about the middle of the 17th century was 
Governor of Nova Scotia, makes mention not only of the 
abundance of wood and of the nut trees, but speaks expressly 
of the wild growth of the vine. He says that the grapes 
were as large as nutmegs and rather acrid, that they were 
growing wild, but that with a little cultivation they would 
yield the best wine.^ And, like the vine, self-sown wheat also 
thrived in the southern part of Nova Scotia. Rafu denoted 
this wheat as maize ; but maize does not grow wild ; and in 
opposition to this dictum is the circumstance that the sagas 
would certainly not have named simply as wheat such a 
species of grain as maize, which is entirely different in its 
structure from wheat. By wheat growing in a wild state it is 
evident that the old Norsemen meant some plant similar to 
their wheat, and such a kind actually grows even now upon 
the east coast of North America as far as 50'' N. lat., i,e, the 
Indian rice (Zizania aquatica), which is spoken of by almost 
all travellers who treat of the products of the soil in Nova 
Scotia. For instance, Jean Cartier (1534) expressly states 
that this Indian rice covers wide tracts of land on the Gulf of 
St. Lawrence.^ 

Thorfinn's companions on his great expedition concluded 
from the grapes and corn which they found growing wild that 
they had reached the spot where Leif had first discovered 
grapes growing wild. They were naturally unable to identify 
the exact spot. Leif had not met any natives. But 
Karlsefni was prevented by " Skralings " from settling in 
Nova Scotia for any length of time. There is a vivid account 
in the sagas of the first meeting with the Skralings, dark men 
of wild appearance, coarse hair, large eyes, broad cheek-bones. 
As to their nationality, the authorities are still divided. At 
first it was believed that they must have been Eskimos. 
People had a mistaken idea that the first settlers in Green- 
land found the Eskimos there on their arrival and described 
them as Skralings, and it was thought to be " beyond the 

( 1 ) Storm," Vinlandreiseme^^ p. 46, etc. Ruge," Weinlandsfahrten^^ p. 1 2. 

(2) of. Storm, p. 50, etc, Ruge. 


bounds of probability that anyone should have seen both 
Indians and Eskimos without noting the difference."^ Ari 
expressly states that the first colonists in Greenland met no 
inhabitants, but found deserted dwellings, stone implements, 
and portions of coracles,^ so this does not help much in 
determining the nationality of the American Skralings. So 
we may safely assume with Storm and Ruge that the 
Skralings of Wineland were " Indian hunters," and all 
accounts in the Sagas agree with the characteristics of the 
North American Indians as given by Waitz and RatzeL^ 

It may be asked, how far did the news of the discoveries 
of the Norsemen on the mainland of America spread, and 
how old is the earliest cartographical representation. Present 
research enables us to state that the earliest extant Icelandic 
map of these territories only dates from the close of the 
sixteenth century.^ This is based on the Eric Saga, and 
IS interesting as showing the representation, by Sigurd 
Stephanius of Iceland, of the discoveries of his ancestors 
{see fig, 5, which Storm has kindly 'allowed me to reproduce). 
Otherwise the earliest representation of one of these countries 
IS, according to Storm, to be found in the 15th century 
portulan, published by Nordenskiold [Bidrag, no. V.). He 
identifies, as we have already seen, the " Ilia de Brazil," the 
little circular island to the south of the " Ilia Verde," as 
Markland.^ Storm also lays stress, and not unduly, on the 
fact that " Brazil " is used in Spanish maps as a term for 
thickly wooded islands, and that the translation of Markland 
or Woodland by " Ilia de Brazil " is quite consistent with the 
use of " Ilia Verde " for Greenland. Ruge agrees with this 
interpretation of ** Brazil,"^ and it deserves every considera- 

(i) Waitz, ^''Anthropologic der Naturvolker^^ III. 60. 

(2) See p. 5. 

(3) Storm, p. 54. Ruge, p. 7. Waitz, III. 304, 348. Ratzel, " Volker- 
kunde^^ II. 548, 596. On p. 732, note i, Ratzel refutes the opinion, 
adhered to by Crantz, in his " History of Greenland^^ and enjoying a 
wide circulation (see Vivien, Dictionnaire^ II. 546 ; Kalalit), that the 
Esquimos in Greenland called themselves Karalit (= Skralinger). Storm 
brought this view again into vogue (Claudius Clavus, Ymer, 1891, p. 22). 
Winsor (I. 105, etc.) recapitulates the different versions of the origin of 
the Skralings, but expresses no opinion. 

(4) Storm, p. 28, etc, 

(5) " Columbus J^ P' 81, etc, 

(6) Ruge, ''Review of Storm's 'Columbus^'' '' Peterm, Mitt.'' XL. 
1894, L. B. no. 315. 

H 2 



tion, even though it brings Markland closer to Greenland 
than the early authorities allow, while the cartc^raphical 
representation, as Storm thinks, may come to qs from the 
early 15th century accounts, and not directly from the 
original Norse legends. 

Although Storm does not hesitate to identify the island 
Brazil with Markland, he is more cautious about asserting 
the island Salvage, as we find it on other medieval maps, 

Fig. 5. 

to be the Wild' Land, i.e. the Skralings' Land (Wineland). 
This prudence deserves all commendation, for here he is 
employing all his skill in identification on one of the islands 
in the Atlantic Ocean, which up to now had played havoc 
with so many reputations. Storm's explanation of " Salvage" 
as " Wild Land " is quite correct, but if we follow Kretschmer 
and translate "Salvage" after the French sauvage as "woody," 
(i) Storm, "Columbus^ p. 8z. 

t • 


and then as "wild,'*^ this interpretation would suit Wineland, 
where giant trees and wild grapes were known to flourish. 
Unfortunately Storm has no authority for his assumption, 
and we can only say that it is not improbable. Our only 
possible resource is the Oxford geographer and mathema- 
tician, Nicolas de Linna (Lynn), quoted by Kunstmann and 
Storm, who, we are told, went on a scientific expedition to 
Norway, and embodied the result of his researches in his 
Inventio fortunata^ dedicated in 1360 to King Edward III. of 
England.^ Franciscus a Sancta Clara, the Franciscan, states 
that the Inventio fortunata contained a description of the 
northern islands, and their whirlpools, from 53° to the North 
Pole. The book appears to have been printed about 1500, 
and is quoted on Joh. Ruysch's map of the World in the 
legend above the Arctic magnetic mountain : " This can be 
read in the book De inventione fortiuiatir^ 

Until this book is discovered, or new authorities brought 
to light, any attempt to explain the names of the islands, 
Antillia, Salvage, Satanaxio, Tanmar, Reillo, etc. will only 
add to the number of the existing hypotheses, by adding new 
channels of thought. In spite of all preparatory study, or 
rather because I was convinced, after a careful perusal of 
such authorities as Jomard, Santarem, Wuttke, Lelewel, 
Fischer, Kuntsmann, Kretschmer, Nordenskiold, etc,^ that I 
could not possibly put forward any hypothesis on a sure 
basis, I forbore to apply the light of criticism to any existing 
conjectures. I will only here add that I am not convinced 
by the arguments of Kretschmer against the relation of these 
islands to the Norse discoveries. 

The mediaeval cartographers must have had opportunities 
of hearing full details' of the discoveries of the Vikings in 
the west. This brings us to a circumstance hitherto but 
little regarded, which shows how far news of the discoveries 
could and did spread. 

Men of learning had till lately confined their researches 
for an authoritative account of the Norse discoveries in 
America to early historical and geographical works, but 

(i) Kretschmer, ''*' Entdeckung Amerikas^^ p. 212. 

(2) For this Franciscan in search of knowledge, see Kunstmann, 
^*' Amerika^^ P* 35> 9o> i^ote 87. Storm, " Vinlandsreiserne^^ p. 74, etc, 

(3) Storm, p. 75. Lelewel in his reprint prints Fortunati in capitals. 


without much result. Rug^e says : " Adam of Bremen,^ one 
of the best geographers of his time, is the only foreign 
scholar who mentions this early discovery of America." 
Albertus Magnus also refers to these discoveries, in speaking 
of the neighbouring countries to Iceland "as having been 
lately colonised." ^ But the news must have travelled far and 
wide, as will be shown by the following facts. Two of the 
ships in Karlsefni's great voyage of discovery- were storm- 
driven in the years 1003 and 1006 from Wineland to Ireland.^ 
Karlsefni's brave wife and companion, Gudrid, the mother of 
Snorri, the first Norseman born in America, made a pilgrim- 
age some years later to Rome.^ The news of the Norse 
discoveries would thus have been spread through the south 
of Europe by eye-witnesses, as well as by the Bishops of 
Scandinavia, and, in particular, of Greenland and Iceland, 
such as Isleiv, the first native Bishop of Iceland, who was 
educated in Saxony, and who brought a white bear from 
Greenland as the most costly and remarkable present possible, 
on his visit to the Emperor in 1056.'* Isleiv left the Imperial 
court to visit Pope Leo in Rome. Isleiv's successor, Gizur, 
was also educated in Germany, and also paid a visit to the 
Vatican prior to his consecration^. The communication with 
Rome was even more frequent in the 12th century. The 
creation of the Archbishoprics of Lund, 1 104, and Drontheim, 
1 1 52, and of the Bishoprics of Holar, 1106, Faroer mo, and 
Gardar 1123, naturally brought about a closer connection 
(i) Peschel-Ruge, " Geschichte der Erdkimdc^^ p. 87. 

(2) id. p. 87, note 3. Moosmiiller, (iravier, etc,^ think that Wineland 
is mentioned by the Benedictine Odericus Vitalis in his ^^Ecclesiastical 
History ^^ (1. X. t. IV.), but this is hardly borne out by the passage : 
" Orcades Insulae et Finlanda, Islanda quoque et Grenlanda, ultra quam 
ad septentrionem terra non reperitur, aliaeque plures usque in Gollandam 
regi Noricorum subiciuntur" (Gravier, ''^ D^couverte" p. 116). Wineland 
is repeatedly confused with Finland. The Liibeck map of the world of 
1475 (" Rudimenta Novitioriim " ; Nordenskiold, " Facsimile- Atlas ^^ p. 3) 
shows Wineland where Finland only can be meant. The ^^ Mon. Genn, 
Script^'* XXIX. repeatedly mentions expeditions against Finlandia, 
Finland or Wineland. See also Fischer, ^^ Kann Bischof Johafines mit 
Recht als erster Martyr er Amerikas bezeichnet werdenP^ {^^ Innsbruck. 
Zeitscher, fiir Kat/i. TheoV^ XXIV. 1900, p. 757). 

(3) See the account in the " Book of Hauk^^ Reeves, p. 46, 52. 

(4) See the " Flatey Book^^ Reeves, p. 72, Tj. 

(5) Hungrvaka, c. 2. '' Mon, Germ. Script:' XXIX. 413 : " Dedit ei 
ursum album, qui venerat e Gronlandia, et haec bestia fuit summi pretii 


(6) id. 


between Scandinavia and Rome. We must also not forget 
that Cardinal Nicolas of Albano, afterwards Pope Hadrian 
IV., lived in Norway^ from 1 154 to 11 59, and that the Danes 
went on a Crusade, 1189 to 1193, to the Holy Land, and on 
their return visited Constantinople and Rome.^ The port of 
Bergen was much crowded during the same period with ships 
and travellers from Iceland, Greenland, England, Germany, 
Denmark, Sweden, etc? In the early part of the 13th century, 
about 1204, Ion, Bishop of Greenland (1108 to 1209), went 
on a journey to Rome.^ About the middle of the same 
century, Olaf, Bishop of Greenland, and the Papal Legate, 
William of Sabina, were together at the Court of the King of 
Norway. The Cardinal wrote to the people of Iceland, to 
persuade them to recognise the supremacy of Norway. The 
Bishop of Gardar undertook a similar mission to Greenland.^ 
The Cardinal's efforts were crowned with success. The people 
of Iceland as well as Greenland, 1 261 , recognised the supremacy 
of the King of Norway. At the Council of Lyons, 1274, there 
were present three Scandinavian Bishops: Archbishop John of 
Drontheim, Bishop Andrew of Osloe, and Bishop Ascatinus 
of Bergen^ From the 12th century onwards, the rise of the 
Dominicans and Minorites in the northern kingdoms must 
have also greatly contributed to a better acquaintance with 
Scandinavia.'' In the 14th century, we find Bishop Jon 
Ericson Scalle of Greenland, a candidate for the Icelandic see 
of Skalholt, visiting the Vatican on two occasions, in 1356 
and 1369." 

We cannot expect to find \xv every bishop or pilgrim 
coming to Rome'*^ from high latitudes, from Denmark, Norway, 
Iceland, and Greenland, as great an interest in geography, 

(i) Maurer, ^' Bekehrung,'' II. 678, etc. 

(2) Boerglumensis, O. Cist., " Historia de profectione Danorum in 
terram sanctam^^ c. 25. ^^ Mon, Germ. Script. ^^ XXIX. 163. 

(3) id. p. 162. 

(4) " Pals biskups Saga" c. 9. Maurer, " Bekehrung," II. 606, note 1 39. 

(5) Maurer, p. 227. 

(6) ^^ Icelandic Annals." ^^ Mon. Germ. Script." XXIX. 264. 

(7) Storm, " Nye Efterretninger" p. 405, etc. This is the more im- 
portant, as the younger members of the Orders went as students to all 
possible universities. 

(8) ^"^ Icelandic Annals P ''^ Gronl. hist. Mindesui." III. 19, etc.^ 31. 

(9) Werlauff, ^^ Symbolae" p. 35, note 21, where will be found the 
reasons (Pietatis studium ; Absolutio ; Negotia), the routes (Britain- 


as was shewn by the Icelandic Abbot Nicolas of Thingeyre 
(+1159), who is probably the first geographical authority on 
the discoveries of the Norsemen in America (^see p. 7, etc^^ 
and was the author of an Itinerary, as replete with culture as 
with interest, from the far north to Rome, Compostela, and 
Jerusalem. But they were all qualified to give information 
on the situation and peculiarities of the northern countries. 
Even the earliest portulanos show traces of this kind of oral 
information. Nordenskiold insists that Insula Rovercha on 
Andrew Bianco's map of 1436, means Walrus Island, and 
refers to Greenland^ The legend of the so-called Dulcert 
Map of 1339: " Hec ursi albi et comedunt pisces crudos," 
may equally well apply to Greenland^. This legend is placed 
north of Norway, and is only separated by a mountain chain. 
But white bears were just as scarce in Norway at that day^ 
The King's Mirror represents the brown bear as a dangerous 
beast of prey in Norway, but gives the white bear as a 
characteristic feature of Greenland. White bears were in 
Greenland what the white elephant is in Siam. In 1056, 
Isleiv, Bishop of Iceland, brought a white bear from Green- 
land as an offering to the Emperor of Germany, Henry III. 
Einar, the Envoy of Greenland, brought a white bear for 
King , Sigurd of Norway, whose help he needed in the 
appointment of a Bishop of Greenland. The Einar-Saga 
states that " he presented the King with a bear which he 
brought with him from Greenland."^ To the north of 
Norway there lay a country, where white bears and white 
falcons were quite common. This we see from representations 
and legends on the portulanos of Dolarto (1339), the Pizigani 

France- Switzerland or Flanders- France, and three different routes vid 
Germany), and the seasons of the year most in vogue with the pilgrims 
to Rome, as well as numerous authorities. 

(i) Nordenskiold, ^'' Forschungen^^ p. 40 ; ^'' Facsimile- Atlas ^^ p. 53. 

(2) Nordenskiold, ''^ Facsimile-Atlas^^ p. 47. Olaus Magnus on his 
large map gives a graphic illustration of a Polar bear devouring a live 
fish near Iceland. Prof, von Wieser owns a facsimile of this map drawn 
to scale. See O. Brenner, "/>/> echte Karte des Olaus Magnus^^ I593> 
Christiania, 1886. 

(3) Knauer, ^^Handworterbuch der Zoologie^^ p. 43, etc. 

(4) ^^ Einars Saga^' ch. i. Maurer, ^^ Bekehrung^^ II. 602, etc,^ note 
128. In ^"^ Gronl. hist. Mindesm.^^ III. 383, etc,^ note 80, there is a very 
interesting summary of the value of Greenland Polar bears as presents. 
For white and black bears see Storm's article, " Hvr tabjorn og Bjarndyr " 
i^^ Arkiv. for fiord. FiloV\ Christiania, 1895. 


(1367), etc. The land of the white bears may also mean 
Spitzbergen, which was thought to lead to Greenland. But 
we never hear of hunters going across this intermediate 
tongue of land to catch bears, and Greenland, inhabited as 
it was, must be meant, when such stress was laid on white 
bears being so exclusively a present from Greenland. 

In the earliest times Greenland was widely known. It is 
even shown as an island on a mediaeval circular map which 
Professor von Wieser^ discovered, and of which he intends to 
write a detailed account. In the discoveries on the mainland 
of America tradition may have been always associated with 
Markland. Kunstmann has already published his view that 
the island Brazil, Brazir, or Brezir, etc., which we find on 
almost every portulan, from the 14th to the 17th century, to 
the west of Ireland, must be the Norse Woodland. From 
its name and shape, the Brazil which Storm takes to be 
Markland is probably our old friend Brazir, pushed a little 
further west. The large island, called Fixlanda on the same 
portulan, is the same island put more to the south-west. 
Kunstmann and Storm state that the island Brazil to the 
west of Ireland first appears on the Pizigani map of 1367,^ 
but, in reality, it is to be found on the famous portulans of 
1339 and 1351.^ How the cartographers acquired their 
information about the Woodland, is a matter of uncertainty. 
If Kuntsmann be correct in explaining the legend on the 
Pizigani map of 1367, as novus cotits (nouvelle cote) de 
Brazir,^ this designation may, perhaps, be traced to the 
publication of the latest accredited historical information 
about Markland in the year 1347.^ The English had such a 
firm belief in the existence of some such country to the west 
of Ireland, that, according to Pedro de Ayola, the Spanish 
Ambassador at the Court of King Henry VII., writing on 
July 25, 1498, the merchants of Bristol had for seven years 
been sending out annually two, three, and even four caravels, 
chiefly to look for the Isla de Brazil.^ 

(i) ^^ Peterm. Mitt,^^ 1899, p. 192, note i. 

(2) Storm, " Vinlandsreiserne^'* p. 74. 

(3) Nordenskiold, '' Periplus^' tab. IX. X. 

(4) Kunstmann, ^^ Amerika^^ p. 90. 

(5) *''' Icelandic Annals ^^ 1347. 

(6) Ruge, " Weinlandsfahrten^^ p. 60. In the course of these voyages 


We come, in conclusion, to the much debated question : 
What influence did the discoveries of the Norsemen have on 
Columbus and his successors ? 

We must at once dissent from the view of those author- 
ities, who make out that Columbus in his youth met Bishop 
Magnus of Skalholt, in Iceland, and heard from him of the 
discoveries of the Norsemen in America.^ Even if Columbus 
had learnt all the details of the discoveries of the Norsemen* 
it would, as Ruge points out, have been of no use to him, for 
"his goal was rather the tropics than the Arctic Circle."^ 
But, so far as Greenland is concerned, the Zeno map, based 
as it was on Norse discoveries and representations, undoubt- 
edly influenced Frobisher's voyages.^ The expeditions of the 
hardy Norseman undoubtedly had a moral influence, imme- 
diate or otherwise, on later explorers, as Nordenskiold briefly 
sums up in the preface to his Bidrag, : " The discoveries of 
the dauntless Normans broke through the limits of Ptolemy's 
world, introduced a cartography based on observations taken 
on the spot, and shattered the belief in the infallibility of 
Alexandrian scholarship, while firing recruits with enthusiasm 
for fresh voyages of discovery."^ Storm cannot be far wrong 
in supposing that Columbus may have seen a representation 
of the Norse discoveries in America, such as the fifth map 

the explorers would naturally find the position of the island of Brazil to 
be different from that on the maps, and Beccario, 1435, Andreas Bianco, 
1436, Canerio, 1500, etc., could hardly have been ignorant of this fact. 
But the Icelandic geographers inserted Frisland, although they had no 
knowledge of the island and their sailors had never discovered Frisland 
(** haec, quae sit insula, nescio, nisi ea forte, quam Venetus [Zeno] ille 
invenit, Frislandiamque Germani vocant " : Stephanius, Description of 
the map of 1590), cf " Torfaens," tab. II. and I. IV. [1668], and so 
Brazil was still retained on maps. Waldseemiiller, on his " Carta 
Marina " of 15 16, still retains Obrazill S.W. of Ireland {see pi. VIII.). 

(i) Stovm^ ^^ Columdus,^^ p. 68, ^/r. He, as well as Harrisse {^^ Dis- 
covery;^ p. 661), thinks that Columbus visited Iceland, but both these 
authorities are against the view that he was influenced by any reports on 
Wineland, a view held by Lohr, " Stellung der Kanarischen Inseln " 
{^^ Miincheur Sitzungs berichten^^ 1888, p. 87). Ruge does not believe 
that Columbus went to Iceland. See " Peterm, Mitt,^^ XL. 1894, L. B. 
no. 315. 

(2) Ruge, " Weinlandsfahrten^^ p. 13. 

(3) Storm, " Om Zeniemesreiser^^ P- 21, etc, 

(4) Nordenskiold, ^'Forord zum Bidrag.^^ See Ruge's ^^ Review of the 
^ Bidragy^ ^'' Peterm, Mitt^ XL. 1894, L. B. no. 310. Since this work 
went to the (Freiburg) printers the world of cartography has lost one of 
its most shining lights, so often referred to in these pages — I mean 
Baron Adolf Erik Nordenskiold, who died August 12th, 1901. 



given in Nordenskiold's Bidrag., ihe 15th century I'ortulan.' 
My researches into Norse discoveries liave had a most 
unexpected and, I may say, epoch-making result. I under- 
took this particular research at Wolfegg Castle on the 
suggestion of my friend, Professor von Wieser. The hidden 
treasures were the Wolfegg Ptolemy Codex and the Wolfegg 
incunabulum, Waldseemuller's map of the World of 1507 — 
the first map, so far as I know, to have the word " America " 
— and his Carta Marina of 1516. I can only hope that the 
facsimile edition of the Waldseemiiller maps, which von 
Wieser and myself have undertaken, may induce other 
students to continue a scries of research in the fields of 
history and geography. We may then come across the map 
and description, published by Claudius Clavus, and arrive at 
some details of the personality and the works of Donnus 
Nicolaus German us. 

In bringing this little volume to a close, I would venture 
to express our deep-felt gratitude to the Prince of Waldbui^- 
Wolfegg for graciously permitting us to prepaie a facsimile 
edition of these treasures of the Wolfegg Library. 

(1) On Juan de la Cosa's map of the world, 1500, there occur (Storm, 
" Columbus," p. 82) the islands Frixlanda, Ilia verde and Brazil (S. 


Sorsius S)us [XuDovico Casellae]. 

glLFXTISSIME NOSTER. Nui te driziamo el 
jiortador de la presente chiamato Don Nicolo el 
quale te mostrara uno suo libro zoe la Cosmo- 
I f^rapAia} de Ptolomeo. Vogliamo tu chiami 
] Zoanne Bianchino et maistro Pedrobono dallo 
Avogaro et che tutti insieme examiniatj el 
liliro (liligentemente cosi area la correctione della scriptura et 
vmundationc como ancho tutte quelle picture se sono facte cum 
tlutiita meiiiira et designatione delle loro pane alii luogi suoj. Et 
)K.*r<:hc c.DSlui monstra du voler tornare presto a Fiorenza vedeti de 
diirgi HIK17.U ciiiti pill presteza se puo pur che la cossa se intenda 
bene. I'^t (piuiido hareti facto circa tutte le parte dicte suficiente 
I'Naiiie vudeti fra voi quello ve pareria io avesse a dare a costui si per 
pat-amcnto del liliro como ancho per usargi qualche cortexia. Et 
del parere vostro tu Ludovico damine aviso per una tua. Siamo 
unchora contend che per el tempo che costui stark a ferrara fino a 
taiito che se exaniinj ijuesto suo libro tu ge fact pagare la hosteria. 
I''.t non ti marnvigliure se a i^uesta lettera non sera el nostro sigello 
piTchi" so retroviamo non Io avere cum nui al presente. 
Quartisanao XV martij 1466. 

(il 'X\w worils in italics were cither omitted or incorrectly given by 
(.■. C>imf\'n, I ininiiuiiri deRli Eslensi \Atti e memorie delle RR. deputa- 
tiiiiii \\i st<>ria )V)tria (>er le pnivincie Modenesi e Parmensi VI. [1872}, 
j-,i\ The imisl correction is "Fiorenia," which Campori 
ttUHiKly Ki^'*" •'*" Kctr.tta," Kaiher Mangnnoiii, S.J, of Modena, kindly 
allrniled to the <oj>y .tnti 10 the colUtion of Appendices nos. I. to IV., 
and \'\. anil Vll., lor which 1 A^a\n express my gratitude. 


(Fuori) : Clarissimo viro Ludovico Casellae referendario et Con- 
sUiario nostra secreto syncere dilectissimo. 

[The original, from which Father Manganotti allowed me to take 
this copy, is in the " Regio Archivio di Stato in Modena. Cancel- 
laria ducale. Archivio proprio a. 1466."] 


3Bor5fU5 Bus* 

Mandato 111°^^ Principis et Ex°" d. n. d. Borsij ducis etc. Vos 
. . . factores generales mittatis sine mora ad cancellariam Florenos 
centum auri et in auro, dandos venerabili et Ex"^° cosmographo 
domino Nicolao germanico,^ in signum gratitudinis Ex° sue pro eo 
libro tam nobili quem de gosmographia titulauit presentauit idem d. 
Nicolaus eidem 111™° D. n. et portentur Ex« domini N. ad expensam. 

Aristoteles de Bruturijs scripsit xxx marcij 1466. 

[Regio Archivio di Stato in Modena — Camera Ducale — Reg™ 
mandati 1466 a O® 125 v.] 


JSorsius Bui* 

Mandato 111™^ Principis et Ex™^ domini nostri domini Borsij 
ducis etc. Vos . . . factores generales dari faciatis venerabili viro 
domino Nicolao de Alamania^ qui presentauit Ex*^« sue ultra illud 
excellens Cosmographie opus alium librum tacuini multorum 
annorum ipsius III™* domini nostri nomini dicatum Florenos triginta 
aurj et in auro. Et eos portari faciatis eel sue ad expensam. 

Aristoteles de bruturijs scripsit viij aprilis 1466. 

[L. c. C. 89 v.] 


Al nome di dio merchorj adj viiij de aprile mcccclxvj. 

Alo 111™° N. S. Duca al suo chapitolo Fiorini cento doro di 
camera per la soa S"* a la soa chanzelaria dj contanti in ferrara per 

(i) A marginal note reads: "domini Nicolai germanici," and then 
" habuit mandatum." 

(2) In the margin : " domini Nicolai de Alemania," and a little lower 
down, " habuit mandatum x aprilis." 


darli a messer Nicolo Zermanicho per gratitudine di vno libro di 
cosmografia che luj a donate al prefato N. S. Duca come in R«> di 
la camera 88 per mandato de generalj faturj etc. Valeno^ a soldi 55 
denari 6 de marchesani per Fiorino portoli contati Bartolomeo de 
Sumj meso del spectabile bonuexin dale charte. 

Z. ccLXxvij soL X den, — a spexa 94. 

[Regie Archivio di Stato in Modena — Camera Ducale — Com- 
putisteria — Registri Camerali diversi — Registro N. N. Uscita 
C. 30 v.] 


Ipaneflsric of Bonnus 'Wfcolaus ©ermanus on 


Plurime sunt regiones, que quidem singule singulis rebus 
excellere uidentur. Nam thus sola arabia gignit.^ Balsamum 
nusquam nisi in iudea* legitur : ex india ebur prouenit. Item aliud 
ab alijs nationibus accipimus. Verum si exactissime cuncta indices : 
invenies profecto italiam omnibus esse iure preferendam. 

Nam si [i] priscos in ilia reges commemores, illu strata est saturno 
ianoque regibus : quorum alter non modo colendorum agrorum, 
uerum etiam multarum aliarum rerum disciplinam tradidit. lanus 
autem sacra cerimoniasque summa erga in mortales (!) * deos pietate 
edocuit. Fuit [2] semper adeo in re militari prepotens italia, ut 
nuUo unquam tempore sine splendido imperio extiterit. Non 
minime enim umbrorum opes fuere : umbris successerunt tirreni^ 
quos uniuerse Italic imperitasse id maxime declarat, quod superum 
mare ab adria illorum colonia adriaticum, inferum vero a gente ipsa 
tirrenum est nuncupatum. Post etruscos imperium latini susce- 
perunt, quod quale quantumque fuerit, omnes norunt. Sed [3] 

(i) Valent solidos 55 et denarios sex de marchesanis pro unoquoque 
floreno. Cf. Atti d. R. deput. di storia patria per le prov. Modenesi ser. 
IV., vol. VI. (1895), p. 222 sqq, 

(2) The Text of the Wolfegg Ptolemy MS. is the main authority. L 
means here Plut. XXX. n. 4 of the Biblioteca Laurenziana of Florenz ; 
UU the Ulm editions of Ptolemy of 1482 and i486. For the punctuation, 
the numbers in brackets, and the italics, the editor is responsible, as also 
in the case of Appx. VI. Dr. Marzi, of the Public Record Office of 
Modena, did me the favour to collate the proofs of Appx. V. and VI. with 
the Florentine MSS. of Donnus Nicolaus Germanus. I would here like 
once more to express my appreciation of his kindness. 

(3) gi^^&J^it L. (4) ludea L., and lower down India and Italiam. 
(5) immortales L. 


nullus quidem in ea populus fuit, quin aliqua re excelluerit. Quid 
enim calobro (!) appuloque affluentius. Quid campano nobilius. 
Quid sannite extitit populosius.^ Sabinis seueritas atque sanctitas 
maxima fuit. Etruscis nichil, quod ad religionem pertinet defuit. 
In liguribus maxima apparuit laborum difficultatumque omnia 
patientia.^ Sed hec de hominibus. SUus autem [4] loci quid aut 
ad salubritatem accomodatius (!) aut ad omnes utilitates aptius aut ad 
voluptatem amenius potest excogitari. Celum enim huiusmodi est, 
ut neque nimia subtilitate corpora extenuent^ neque nimia crassi- 
tudine ilia corrumpat (!). Atque inter frigus caloremque ita 
temperatum est, ut uerissime dixerit poeta : Hie uer perpetuum 
atque alienis mensibus estas.* Habet [5] preterea duo maria 
superum, ut dixi, et inferum, per que creberrimis atque tutissimis 
portubus, quecunque humano generi usui sunt, importari expor- 
tarique licet. Habet etiam [6] flumina lacusque navigabiles atque 
piscosos' et cum colles arboribus : campi segetibus vestiantur. 
Tamen [7] perpetuus est appenninus mons, qui italiam diuidens tum 
hac distinctione pulchritudinem afferat, tum e siluis lignorum 
materiam in omnium usus affatim prebet. 

Hanc igitur regionem cum hiis rationibus, quas dixi, tum maxime 
quia gentibus et olim propter romanorum manarchium^ (!) et nunc 
propter apostolicum sedem semper caput fuit. Obmissis nationum 
nominibus, que nunc a ptolomeo recitata sunt, ad nostra tempora 
civitates, oppida, lacus, marinas, portus et montes, nomina etiam 
fluminum et eorum ortus, loca quoque montuosa et campestria una 
cum insulis sibi adiacentibus, ut intueri fas est, diffusius describere 
censui, nichil in hijs, que ab auctor/ (!) libri huius dimensione certa 
ac ratione verissima obseruata sunt, transgrediendo. 

(i) populosius extitit ? L. The notes of interrogation occur also in L. 
(2) pacientia L. (3) extenuet L. (4) Verg.^ Georg. II., 149. 

(5) piscosas L. 

(6) monarchiam L. It is noteworthy that the very mistakes in the 
two Ulm editions (UU) agree with the Wolfegg Codex. 



Bonnus 'nfcolaus GermanuB's Dedication to prince 
JSorso of £5te and tbe pope Paul ii.' 

[i] Illustrissimo principi ac Beatissimo Patri Paulo II®* 
domino domino Bursio'* duci Pontifici Maximo Donnus* 
Mutine et* Regii marchioni Nicholaus' Germanus. 

Estensi Rodigiique comiti 
Donnus Nicolaus* Germanus. 

Non me fugit, illustrissime Non me fugit, beatissime 

princeps. pater. 

Cumque* summo ingenio exquisitaque doctrina ptolomeus cos- 
mographus pinxisset,^ in his aliquid nouare^° attentaremus," fore ut 
hie noster labor in multorum reprehensiones incurreret ; ^* omnes 
enim, qui banc nostram picturam, quae his tabulis, quas ad te 
mittimus," continetur, viderint, geometrice presertim rationis ignari, 
ab ea, quos^* ptolomeus edidit paululum abhorrentem, certe nos uel 
imperitige vel temeritatis arguent. Nam plane nos aut ignorasse, 
quid egerimus aut temere ausos esse tentum opus contaminare 
affirmabunt, cum alique ex parte illius immutata" cement. Non 
enim sibi persuadere poterunt nee fas esse existimabunt, ut tantum 
virum, quantus certe is fuit, si quis alius pingendi" orbis terrarum 
melior modus extitisset, is eum fugisset, cum is solus fuerit,^' qui inter 
tam^** multos excellentes cosmographos, qui ante^® se floruerant,*® 

(i) The dedication in the two editions of Ptolemy inscribed with Prince 
Borso's name (E and L) agrees in all essentials, and therefore the present 
text is based on the earlier edition presented to the Prince in 1466, and 
now in the Este Library at Modena. The differences, here and there, of 
importance, in the two editions dedicated to Paul II., were printed in 
italics according to the Wolfegg MS., or printed separately in the second 
column. The less important readings have been relegated to the foot- 
notes. W denotes the Wolfegg MS. ; Z, Cod. Laur. PI. XXX. n. 3 in 
Florence; 6^i/, the Ulm editions of 1482 (UO and i486 (Ua); £", the 
Ptolemy MS. at Modena. The dedication of L is given without critical 
notes in A. M. Bandini, " Catalogus codicum Latinorum Bibl, Mediceo- 
Laurentiance 11,^^ Florence, 1775. PP* ^9 sqq. 

(2) Borsio L. (3) ac L. (4) Nicholaus L. 

(5) secundo \5\5. (6) Donis UU. (7) Nicolaus UU. 

(8) Cumque also in L, W. UU instead of Cum quae. 

(9) pinxisse L, W, UU. (10) novari W. 

(u) attemptaremus W, UU. (12) incurrerent L. 

(13) missimus L. (14) quam L, W, UU. 

(15) illud immutatum L, W, UU. (16) pinguendi W. 

(17) qui fuerat L. (18) tarn inter UU. 

(19) autem W, Ui. The Ulm edition of i486 is correct in its reading, 
ante. (20) floruerunt UU. 


modum viderit^ quo situm terrarum omnium in tabulis primus* 
pingeret. Quasi vero aut Princeps ille poetarum homenis a pisistrato 
in ordinem redigi aut lucrecii' divinum opus a cicerone emendari 
aut toUetane tabule ab alphonzo corrigi nequiverint. Quare hi* 
sane erunt, quit* nihil laudabunt, nisi quod se intelligere posse 
confidant quemque*^ sperabunt animo et cogitatione complecti^ 
valere, eundem bene^ pingendi orbis modum esse censebunt. Et 
cum obruentur [crebritate]® linearum non^° equidistantium raram 
illam et vastam ptolomei picturam ac^^ rectis lineis drstinctam se 
malle, quam banc nostram multiplicem et comodam pendentibusque 
lineis distinctam^* dicent. Neque vero nos hsec nunc ideo dicimus, 
ut quicquam in ptolomei pictura reperiatur^', quod corrigi vel 
emendari aut in ordinem redigi oportuerit, cum omnia ita scienter 
ac prudenter vir ille pinxerit, ut nihiP*, quod ad rationem situs 
terrarum pertineat^^, in eius tabulis deesse^^ videatur; sed ut illos 
ignorantie sue argueremus", qui cum nuUam talium rerum scientiam 
aut cognitionem teneant, tamen invidia et liuore quodam«moti, si 
quid viderint ab altero editum, quod ingeniis eorum impar sit, 
statim ad eius vitvperationem sese convertunt. At si qui erunt, qui 
non oranino cosmographiae^* expertes^® sint quique ipsum ptolomeum 
sepius legerint ac picturam deinde nostram placata'*** mente contem- 
plauerint, hi*^ certe nos aliqua laude dignos non reprehensione ut illi 
putabunt. Perspicient^* enim nos opus ita difficile atque arduum 
suscepisse et ita egregie ad exitum perduxisse, ut illud mirari 
cogantur, presertim cum nulla in re nos a ptolomei ratione*^ licet a 
pictura paululum deuiasse** comperient. Quod ut iam ita esse plane 
perspicere possis, illustrissime princeps, [B(eatissime) P(ater) W. 
UU.], queso, quid ille dicat et quid nos fecimus, attende*^ 

[2] Ptolomeus quidem, quod facile in eius scriptis intellexerim,^* 
duplicem pingendi orbis terrarum rationem esse tradit : Unam enim 

(i) videret UU. (2) primis L. 

(3) lucretii L. (4) hii L. (5) qui L, W, UU. 

(6) quenque UU. (7) completi L. (8) ben^ W, UU. 

(9) crebritate linearum longitudinalium W, UU ; E has a blank space. 

(10) Not in L. (11) ac is not in W, UU. 

(12) discretam L ; pendentibus inclinatisque lineis discretam W, UU. 

(13) repperiatur W. (14) nichil L. 

(15) pertineat is not in W, UU. (16) de esse L. 

(17) sue argueremus ignorantie, qui W, UU. 

(18) geometrie sine cosmographie L, W, VU. 

(19) expartes L. (20) placatu L. (21) hii L. 
(22) Perspitient L ; prospicient Ui. (23) intentione L, W, UU. 
(24) devicisse UU. (25) fecerimus parumper attende L, W, UU. 
(26) intellexerim scriptis L, W, UU ; intellexerum W. 



esse asserit, cum pro circulis, ut eius uerbis utar, que sunt in VIII°^ 
circa principium libro, rectas lineas facimus particularibusque^ in 
tabulis meridianos ipsos non inclinatos et reflexes^ sed rectos* 
invicem equidistantes* adnotabimus*. Alteram vero esse testatur, 
cum eius formam ubique flexis et inclinatis lineis ut ipsius terrae 
situs ratio exigit et non directis' exprimimus. Harum porro 
rationum etsi posteriorem magis approbat, utpote artificiosiorem® ac 
subtiliorem, superiorem® tamen in pictura secutus est^®, non procul 
a veritate esse affirmans, si quis in pingendo orbe pro circulis, ut 
modo diximus, rectas lineas fecerit. 

Nos autem, illustrissime P(rinceps), (in the Dedication to Pope 
Paul II. B[eatissime] P[ater]), cum per ocium^^ aliquando^* eius 
scripta^' legeremus, quae a professione nostra non abhorrebant et in 
eum locum", qui est in primo eius fere libro circa finem, forte^' in- 
cidissemus, ubi precipit magis tenendum esse^*, quod sit equius 
atque" seriosius, quam quod sit facilius debiliusque, repente hac 
lectione 'admonti cogitare cepimus, quo pacto nos aliquid glorias 
compararemus^^ Rati enim nobis oblatam^® esse occasionem, uti 
aliquid industriae nostras monumentum*° estaret*^ et ingenii vires 
elucessere** possent, statim picturam orbis propterea*^ ratione 
facere^* aggressi sumus, que apud ilium approbatior videretur. 
Nam et pro circulis inclinatas lineas non equidistantes** singilatim** 
omnes, ut ipse monet, fieri oportere^^, ubi opus fuit, fecimus et 
locorum situs inter paralellos incidentes ex utrorumque rationibus 
coniecturavimus^®, et quo facilius ratio distantiae cuiuslibet loci, 

(i) octauo L, W, UU. (2) que is not in W, UU. 

(3) reflexes L, W, U U, instead of flexos. 

(4) rectos is not in L, W, UU. (5) eque distantes L, W, UU. 

(6) adnotamus L, W, UU. 

(7) rectis W, UU. The passage in Book VI II., ch. I., reads : "Nee 
procul a veritate fiet, sicut initio operis diximus, si pro circulis rectas 
lineas describemus. Preterea particularibus in tabulis adnotabimus meri- 
dianos ipsos non inclinatos et flexos, sed invicem eque distantes." 

(8) artifitiorem L. (9) supe L. 

(10) Zusatz : si [vel L] eius est, que circumfertur in antiquis exem- 
plaribus pictura L, W, UU. (11) otium L, W. 

(12) aliquando is not in W, UU. (13) scriptam L. 

(14) lacum W, UU. (15) forte legendum L, W, UU. 

(16) esse in pictura L, W, UU. (17) et W, UU. 

(18) comparemus L, W, UU. (19) oblatum L. 

(20) monimentum W, UU. (21) extaret W, UU ; e stare L. 

(22) ducescere UU. (23) propera L, W, UU. 

(24) facere is not in UU. (25) eque distantes L, W, UU. 

(26) singillatim L, UU. (27) ut ipse fieri monet oportere W, UU. 

(28) coniectavimus L, W, UU. 


quae per lineas equidistantes^ discerni non satis plane poterat, 
certior extaret, ipsius intervalli numerum sub extremis paralellis 
cuiuslibet tabule* ascribere^ non recusavimus. 

[3] Q^Jd dicam, quod cum in antiquorum exemplarium gre- 
corum* pictura discerni non possit*, quot et* qui in quacumque 
regione vel provintia populi, nationes, gentes, urbes, oppida, flumina, 
lacus, portus et montes contineantur', et sub quo celo posita aut in 
quam partem altere ab alteris® vergunt^, nos certa quedam^° ex illis, 
non tamen omnia, sed cuncta, quae a ptolomeo ipso ratione^^ in 
scriptis suis adnotata sunt, ita distinximus ac lineis quibusdam^^ 
punctim scriptis^'* vallavimus^*, ut quivis^* etiam imperitus facile 
discernere valeat, atque ipsam etiam^* formam picturae, quae certe 
apud alios vastissima erat^'^, ad eum modum redegimus, servatis 
diligentissime omnium locorum dimensionibus, qui cunctis sit 
posthac illam intueri volentibus gratior futurus^®. Reliqua vero illius 
tanti viri, ut prius erant, intacta reliquimus^^ nisi quantum studii 
amor et legentium sollicitudo suggessit^ ut ob mutationes temporum, que 
frequenter in orbe contingunt duas nobilissimas regiones, Hispaniam^ 
videlicet et ytalian^ quorum loca ab {/y° auctoris vetustatem per (/y^ 
maxima eorum parte a noticia nostra deciderunt ; ipsas etiam regiones^ 
que in oceano sarmatico se ingerunt et sub paralello per circulum 

(i) per rectas lineas et eque distantes L ; per lineas et eque 
distantes W, UU. 

(2) numerum sub gradu cuiuslibet paralelli L ; extaret miliarium 
continentiam cuiuslibet (gradus) longitudinis cjuibusdam paralellis singu- 
larum tabularum W, UU. (3) adscnbere L. 

(4) tarn grecorum quam latinorum L, W, UU. 

(5) cuius quantitatis et forme quelibet insularum sit que proprias 
descriptiones non habent et W, UU. (6) aut W, UU. 

(7) quaque regione vel provintia populi, mtiones (!), gentes, oppida, 
urbis fluvia (!), [portus] lacus et montes continerentur L; populi vel 
gentes, o^ida, urbes, flumina, portus, lacus et montes continerentur W, 
UU. (8) altere ab alteris is not in L, W, UU. 

(9) vergant L, W, UU. 

(10) quedam certa W, Ui ; certe U2 ; certam L. 

(11) etiam L, W, UU. (12) quibus L. 

(13) signatis L ; punctum signatis W, Ui ; punctim signatis U2. 

(14) Ipsas etiam insulas miaores ad proprias formas preter ptolomeum 
redegimus is added in W and UU. 

(15) quam vis L. (16) etiam ipsam UU. 

(17) et communem librorum exedebat(!) rationem W, UU. 

(18) facturus L. 

(19) relinquimus UU. What follows is not in the Dedications to 
Borso, but in all Dedications to Pope Paul II., also in the Vatican MSS. 
(Urbin. lat. 274 et 275), as Father Ehrle informed me. 

(20) ab instead of ob W and UU. 

(21) per W, UU instead of pro written with small letters. 

I 2 



articum ductum occurrunt: Datiam utpotCy stamam\ nordegiam^ 
Gottiam^ Suetiam^ Gronelandian^ et regiones sidi adhaertntes cum 
insulis adiacentibnsy de quibusprofectoptolomeus ipse autstrabo diligens 
necaliquis cosmographus descriptionis monimenta relinquit^ certa ratione 
iungendo nostrcUitn poneremus, Nacti autem consilio salutari, quod 
honori confert et fame, prefatus regiones in suis locisy ui intueri fas est^ 
non discribendo^ ne tanti viri opus forte scitideremus^ sed pingendo per 
regna sua singulariter exoravimu^. 
[4*] Cum banc igitur picturam, 

ut dixi, pene ad votum absol- 
vissemus eamque dicare alicui 
principi cogitaremus : nemo sane 
te dignior nobis visus est, ad 
quem potissimum destinaremus. 
Tu enim solus es, si verum fateri 
volumus, ex omnibus Italise^ 
principibus, qui et talibus scriptis 
ac picturis multum delecteris, et 
qui plures in eiusmodi re et in 
ceteris aliis multis excellentes et 
doctos viros penes te habeas, qui 
facile valeant, si quid a nobis 
erratum fuerit, reprehendere et 
laudare, si quid recte factum. 
Nam ut alios obmittam*, qui in 
urbe tua his temporibus philoso- 
phantur, quis in matematicis* 
iohanne blanchino et petro bono 
etiam in physicis doctior. quis in 
medicina sonzino acutior et fran- 
cisco fratre in dyalectica' etiam 
et philosophia® subtilior. Quis 
in civili ac pontificio^ iure fran- 
cisco porcellino peritior. quis in 
theologia iohanne gatto sublimior 
eodemque Uteris grecis et latinis 

[4^J Cum banc igitur picturam, 
ut dixi, pene ad votum absol- 
vissemus eamque dicare alicui 
principi cogitaremus, nemo sane 
te dignatior^^ nobis visus est, 
B.P., quem huiuscemodi 
munere^^ dignissimum existi* 
marem. Cui enim terrarum 
omnium situm dedicare debeOy 
quam illi principi, cuius sanctissi- 
mis pedibus quicquid extreme 
occeano (!) circumdatur, subiici 
oportet et quod a sacerdote pro- 
venit, id ad omnium sacerdotum 
archimandritam referendum erit. 
Nee moneat^'* quemquam, B.P., 
si hoc ipsum opus ad estensem fer- 
rarie principem priusquam ad te 
delatum sit. Quis enim ita iniquus 
rerum iudex erit, ut quempiam 
in honore a me tibi praelatum 
putet, cum universum christianum 
nomen ita apostolice sedi primas 
partes sine controversia concedat, 
ut nullius nisi longo relicto inter- 
vallo secundus habeatur. Neque 
enim putavi neque fas esse duxi 
quicquam ad te antea mittere. 

(i) scaniam UU. 

(2) The three last names are like hispania in UU. 

(3) exoravimus for exorriavimus also in the Ulm Ausgaben editions 
of 1482 and i486. (4) ytalie L. (5) omittam L, W, UU. 

(6) mathematicis L. (7) dyalecticis L. (8) ac philosophia L. 

(9) pontifitio L. (10) dignior UU. 

(11) Die abbreviation for munere is in UU given as munera. 

(12) moneat instead of mov^at W and UU, as also occeano. 



omatior. Quis denique in omni 
genere doctrinse hieronymo^ ca- 
stellano prestantior. dies me certe 
deficeret*, illustrissime p(rinceps), 
si cunctos* excellentes* viros, 
qui hac tempestate tuam urbem 
incolunt, enumerare aut illorum 
virtutes persequi velim, qui, sane 
illam non incolerent, nisi te solum 
hac nostra etate intuerentur, qui, 
cum probe noris, virtutem vitae 
mortalium ducem esse prsestantis 
doctrina viros sublevaris* et ab 
inerti otio ad legendi aut scribendi 
negocium® traduceres. Itaque 
nunquam satis pro mentis tua 
probitas ac virtus laudari poterit, 
quae, cum omnem anteactam 
vitam variis disciplinis' impen- 
dent, nunc etiam doctis faveat 
viris et sua munificentia reliquos 
ad eandem invitet virtutis emu- 

[5] Accipe igitur, humanissime 
princeps et italicae'' nobilitatis 
decus hoc, quod tibi dicavimus** 
opus, quod non tam cognoscendi 
quam emendandi causa ad te 
mittimus. Quare, si quid in eo 
reprehensione dignum oflfenderis, 
quaeso ne me[ae]^° potius imbecil- 
litati ingenii, quam magnitudini 
ac difficultati operis assignandum 
putes^^. Sin autem nos in com- 
munem omnium utilitatem non 
frustra in hac ipsa re laborasse 
comperies, rogamus te etiam at- 

quam id nam (!) modo summa 
industria lucubratum" expoli- 
tumque esset, verum etiam mul- 
torum doctissimorum hominum 
iuditium subisset. Non enim 
pontificij fastigij oblitus alium 
summo pontifici preposui, sed 
humane imbecillitatis memor et 
nostre tenuitatis conscius meo de 
re tanta iudicio non prius stan- 
dum decrevi, quam maximas 
mathematicis esset approbatum. 
Quam ob rem missum est illud 
quidem a nobis in eam urbem, 
in qua et auctoritate principis, 
qui bonis ingenijs fa vet, et 
copia doctorum virorum, qui et, 
quum universam etatem in hoc 
litterarum genere contriverunt, 
exactissime possent et, quum 
studiorum coniunctione et diut- 
urna consuetudine mihi amicis- 
simi^^ essent, maxime vellent, 
emendacius^* redderetur. Nunc 
igitur ab illis spectatum atque 
probatum visum dignum est, 
quod non modo elimatius, verum 
etiam, quoad a me fieri potuit, 
materia ipsa ornatius in pontificie 
maiestatis conspectum tandem 

[5] Tue igitur clementie fuerit, 
B. P., ita a servulo devotissimo 
munus accipere, ut et si reliqua 
in eo non amplissimis omnino 
laudibus digna sint, sedulitatem 
tamen et deuotionem nostram 

(i) hyeronimo L. (2) deferret L. 

(3) servitos instead of si cunctos L. (4) excellentis L. 

(5) sublevares L. (6) negotium L. 

(7) The abbreviation can also mean disci pulis. (8) ytalice L. 

(9) dedicavimus L. (10) mee L. (11) potes L. 

(12) lugubratum UU. (13) amicissum UU. (14) emendatius UU. 



que etiam, ut in multis aliis, que 
adhuc intacta supersunt, diver- 
sarum artium nobis per tuam 
beneficentiam ac liberalitatem 
vires ingenii liceat exercere. 

erga sanctitatem^ tuam non 
aspemeris. Est enim eiuus', 
que in pontificio culmine maiestas 
est, non quantum dederim, sed 
quantum dare voluerim, intueri. 
Supplicem ama. 

(i) sanctificationem for sanctitatem is the emendation of W. 
(2) eiuus an obvious clerical error for eius UU. 


Xibro **Comto 6( &ibituri e cre&eCurt facto 1452 
[&i XCad^eo CriPcUi miniatore]. 


o^ 1 



Maistro Nicolo todesco cartolaro de auere soldi dui per 
prexio de uno quarto de azuro che lui me de adj 5 
de feueraro 

E de auere soldi sete per prexio de uno quarto de azuro 
che lui me deadj 14 de feueraro . . . . 

E de auere adj 16 de feueraro per uono quarto de azuro 
s. quatro e per vno quarto de uerde s. vno d. sei 

E de auere adj 4 de feueraro soldi diexe che lui me de 
in persona .... 

E de auere adj 15 de marzo leuere uno soldi dui chel 
me de 

E de auere adj 1 6 de marzo . 

E de auere adj 18 de marzo . 

Per alamente .... 

E de auere adj 27 de marzo . 

E de auere adj 28 de marzo per azuro 

E de auere adj 30 de marzo . 

E de auere adj primo de auerille . 

O^ 2. 


Maistro nicolo todesco cartolaro adj 12 de feueraro de 
dare L. vna s. diexenoue per miara vno e cento 
letere tratezade e parafi miara dui a soldi tri lo 
centanaro dele letere monta . . . . 

E de dare adj 1 7 de feueraro s. tri per vna letera doro da 
letura . . . . 

/. 5, d. 

o 2 
o 7 

o 5 


1 2 
o 10 
o 7 
o 10 

o 3 

O 2 

O 4 
o 3 


4 2 (!) 

I 19 o 



/. s, d, 
E de dare adj 4 de marzo soldi trenta noue per mile 

doxento letere e parafi mile i 19 o 

E de dare adj 27 de marzo per la miadura de uno donato 050 
E de dare adj 22 da uerile per letere cinquecento trate- 

zade s. quindese e per parafi miara doe e cinquecento 

s. sete d. sei monta in somma . . . .120 

E dare adj 28 de auerile per una letera doro como una 

arma . . . . . . . . .060 

E de dare adj 5 de mazo per uno centanaro de letere 

antighe che fo in uno libreto de li inperaduri . .020 

*ta ovo 

5 16 

Maistro nicolo todescho cartolaro de dare adi s ^^ zugno 
L. vna s. noue e d. 6 marchesani per letere 575 a 3s. 
lo centanaro e per letere 477 a s. i d. 6 lo centa- 
naro monta 196 


Maistro nicolo todescho cartolaro de pagare le tre 

Campezate 016 

E de dare che ge de messer fedrig per mi . .0100 

E dare per letere ccl de pena non tratezade e parafi mile 069 
E de daro per miniadura de uno oficiolo . . .1150 

E de pacare letere cinquecento cinquanta tratezade e 

miara 5 che fo in una letura soa . . . .1116 
E de pagare letere dosento e che fo 14 quintemi de una 

letura e miara uno parafi monta . . . .090 
E de pagare letere cento che fe in quinterni 4 de letura e 

parafi miara uno monta . . . . . .060 

E de auere 040 

E de auere 020 

E de auere per uno quarto de azuro . . .060 

E de auere 040 

E de auere per uno quarto de azuro . . .060 

E de auere 060 

E de auere 020 

E de auere 016 

E de auere 040 



C^ 3^0. 


Maistro nicolo de pagare letere dosento cinquanta trate- 

zade e parafi miara uno raonta 
£ de dare per miniadura de uno officiolo 
£ de dare per una letera doro e 8 cento parafi 
E de dare per vno donato .... 
E de dare per vno donato .... 
£ de dare per una pisanela in la quale fe le tratezade 

6 cento e parafi miara 3 e una letera doro 

E per una letera doro 

E per una letera doro 

1453 aJ)j 28 De ma3o. 

lo tadie dai criueli aminiadore a saldai e feci rasone con 
Maistro nicolo todesco cartolaro al di soprascrito de 
ogni cosa aue abuto a fare con lui per fino al di 
soprascrito. Rimasi suo debitore de quarto L. mar- 
chesane e cosi lui fo contento .... 

/. s, //. 


o 4 

o 5 


1 10 

o I 
O I 



De questo saldo sora scrito ne apare uno altro saldo a 
carte 6 nel qualle e computado questo soprascrito e 
ogni rasone che nuj aueseno auto a fare inseme 
per fino a questo di e milesmo zoe de 1454 de 19 
de luio. 

1454 aJ)j 14 j)e flDarso. 

Maistro Nicolo todescho cartolaro de dara adj 14 de 
marzo ;^i 5 s. 6d. per centenaro 6 de letere de pena 
e miara 2 e -f- de parafi che sono in 14 quinterni de 
una letura 156 

E de dare adj 16 de marzo s. 5 per doe letere doro zoe 
una da tri e una da du e iera da due principi de 
lettura 050 

E de dare adj 25 de marzo per la miniadura de uno 
donato s. 5 e per cento letere de pena s. 3 e per la lo 
prentipio de quelle pistore de san yerolino s. 10 e.per 
una altra letra campezada s. i che fo nele doe pistole 019 o 

E de dare adj 7 de mazo per s. 6 per Mile parafi 677 

letere de pena 060 

£ de dare adj 24 de mazo per lo presio de doe letere 

doro ......... o ..^ o 


/. s, d, 
E de dare adj 8 de zugno s. 19 d. 6 per seicento letre de 

pena e una doro 0196 

E de dare adj 2 de zugno s. 13 per letre 280 e parafi 1475 012 o 

Cta 6V0. 1454. 

Maistro nicolo todesco cartolaro de daro adj 19 de luio 

1. I s. 15 per miniaduro de uno officiolo . . .1150 

Tlota cbe bel 1464 abj 19 be luio* 

lo tadie dai criuellj feci e asaldaj Basoni con maistro 
nicolo tadesco cartolaro adi soprascrito de ogni 
dinari e colurj auese abuto da luj e de ogni minia- 
dura de oro e de pena auese fato a lui et dogni rason 
scripta e non scrita ogni saldo fato per lo pasato fato 
fra nui sintenda esere nula perche nui siamo cosi 
dacordo chel dito M° nicolo resta auere da mi tadie 
liuere cinque de marchesane le quale liuere se de 

scontare in miniatura 500 

Maistro nicolo soprascrito de auere adj 27 de luio s. i per 

uno quarto de zalla . . . . . .010 

E de auere adj 30 de luio s. 7 per uno quarto de azuro .070 
E de auere per uno quarto de zalo . . . .010 

E de auere per -i. onza de uerde 030 

E de auere per -i- onza de zalo . . . .016 

E de auere che lui me presto one 

E de auere per -j- onza de verde . . . . .030 

C^ 7. 1454. 

Maistro Nicolo contrascrito de dar adj 24 de setenbre s. 3 
per cento letre de uerzino antiche e fo in 4 quintemi 
de una letura . . . . . .030 

E de dare adj 27 de nouenbre s. 3 per quaranta letere 

tratezade 030 

E de dare adj 8 de zenaro s. i del 1455 per una letra 

doro chanpezada . . . . . . .010 

E de dare per una letra che fo prentipio de offitiolo .060 

E de dare adj 25 de zenaro s. 3 per 4 letre campezade 

e per 4 de pena 030 

E de dare per uno donato 05 

E de dare adj ultimo de marzo Lire 2 soldi 10 per minia- 
dura de una letura che lo gia miniai in la quale fe le 
700 a s. 3 el centanaro monta 1. i s. i e parafi miara 
8 monta 1. 1 s. 4 e una letra doro s. 5, monta in soma 210 



L s. d. 

E de dare per una letura in la quale dosento letre e doa 

milia paraii e una letra doro de s. 3 monta . .0150 
E de dare per una letura che ge fo letre 6 cento e parafi 

miara e una letra doro i 19 o 

C^ 7V0. 1456. 

Recordo che mi tadie liuerai da miniare a M° Nicolo lo 
mesalle che ge aueua comenzado a rainiare M° Zoane 
todescho su lo qualle mesere fe questo lauorirero 
I prima uno crocefiso con la nostra dona e S. Zoane .200 
Item letere de penello 16 da s. 3 luna monta . . .280 
Item ge feici letere de pena tratezade 352 da s. 4 el 

centanaro 0140 

le ce tratezai 250 letere a s. 2 el centanaro . .050 

Maistro nicolo de dare per miniadura de uno officiollo 
L. 2 in el qualle ere letere 14 doro con 4 principi e 
de pena tratizade ...... 

E de dare per miniadura de una letura in la qualle fo 
parafi 2 milia e lettere 25 monta . . . . 

Recorde che io restai debetore 1. i s. 15 adj 28 de ottouero 

C** 8. 1456. 

Fato e assaldarasimo tra M° nicole todescho e mi tadie 
miniadore adj 28 de ottobre de ogni cosa auese 
abuto a fare inseme zenerallemente per fino adi 
soprascripto, Resto suo debitore 1. j s. 15 e semo 
rimasti dacorda 

Item me presto .... 

Item aui meza onza da zuro . 

Item me presto .... 

C** 9^°. 1456. 

I 15 o 
o 10 o 
o 14 o 


Maistro nicoUo todescho de dare adj 16 de nouembre 
1. 2 s. 18 d. 6 per la miniadura de una letura in la 
qualle fo letere mille cento e parafi sete milia 
cinquanta e una letera doro da s. 3 el centenaro da 
s. 3 monta . . . . . . . . 2 18 

E de dare adj . . de zenaro 1456 s. 14 per la miniatura 
de una letura de li qualli dinari ne de s. 3 per una 
medaja resto s. 11 on 


/. s. d, 
£ de dare per la miniadura de una letura Lire j soldi lo 

de marchesani in la qualle fo una letera dora de s. 3 e 

600 letere e parafi miara 3 j 10 o 

O* 10. 


Maistro nicolo contrascripto de auere 1. 3 s. 2 d. 6 per una 
sua rason leuada in questo adj 8 in piu poste soma 
in tuto 326 

O^ 44^0. 


Nicolo da chile de dare (adj 24 de desenbre) s. 14 che io 

fezi boni a Maistro nicolo todescho per luj . .0140 

1451 M 16 &e luio. 

Fato e a salda razon con M° Nicholo todesco resta auer 
da mi tadie L. 5 non mitando in conto la etura de 
messer antonio da bagna caualo che resto a essere 
pagato da luj. 

Item de auere 070 

Cunza for per uno altro salda de rasone fato tra lui e mi 
adj vinteoto de zenaro del 1452 zoe de hogni cosa 
auese abuto a fare con el dito Maistro nicolo. 

[Regio Archivio di Stato in Modena. Archivi speciali — arti belle — 

(Fine del libro.) 

Father Manganotti was good to send me the following description 
of the Codex Crivelli: "Codice cartaceo, 0,21,4 ^ o>i5>2 coperto 
in carta pecora, di carte 93 numerate, precedute da altre 5 carte non 
numerate. Porta il titolo esterno : Comto di dibituri e crededuri. 
facto 1452." This document has till lately never been clearly or 
thoroughly understood, as may be seen in the account, which Hermann 
gives in his Geschichte der Miniaturmaterei am Hofe der Este for 
March 27, 1452 ; "5 Soldi und 1 Lira 15 Soldi per miadura de uno 


Abhatia omnium iancconim, St 
Adalbert. Archbishop, t, xi 
AduD, ofBcemen, i-8, 15,11, $' 
Aiitiin IV, Pope, loj 
AT, Cafe, 15 
Afbvirf, Cafe, 1; 
Africa, 4, g, S7. 95 
Agnatjord, i 

Adl, Ballads of, 3; 
■ "'.35 


. 90 

Ahleaius, 67 

Albano, io3 

Albert, Father, 89 

Albcctus Magnus, 3a, loa 

Albiici Chtonici, 63 

Aldabrand, 34 

Alciander VI, Pape, 11, Jo, 45, 48, 50 

Alfbnio of Atagon, King, 65 

Aliates, Petrus, 89 

Almanla, gj 

Alptlirdingen, 9 

Amager, 66 

Amaioni, |7, 66 

AmtraliliTjord, 17 

America, 79 ; first map showing, 36, e. 

Anavik, »7 

Anderson, Ratmui Bjtim, 43 

Andrew, Blihop of Osloi, 103 

Andrew'j Cross, Saint, 38 

Angdus, Jacob, 69 

Anglia, gj 

Antlllia, 101 

Aplanus, 89 

Appeanlnus Mons, iii 

Aragon, fij 

Arctic Expedition, German, 31 

All Thor^ason, sa Thorgilison, Ari 


Arroiiheiro, Johanne 
Amald, Sithop, %, zi, 41 
Arnald, Court Chaplain, 34 
Arnold, Governor, 41 

Ascatinus, Bishop of Bergen, 10 
Asia, 66, 8g 
Asker, ArcAbishep, Ii 
Atlantic greyhounds, 16,J. I ... 
Auguitinei, 3$ 
Auslralls, Terra, 64, 8; 
Aveiac-Macaya,MatieArmand Pascal, d' t% 
Ayola, Pedro de, 10; 

Bacon, Roger, 6j 

Baffio'i Bay. 34 

Baltic Sea, 60 

Bandini, Angelo Maria, ill 

Bardsson, Ivar, 11, 15, 18, 33, 45, 47 

Barrow Straiti, 34 

Baumgaimer, Alexander, 7, It 

Beccario, 1435, 106 

Bergen, 4.7, 48, 66, 103 ; BUhop of, 103 

Bernard, Augustin, I 

Bernardui, de Ortolii, 55 

Bianchini, Giovanni, 74, 78, loS, etc. 

Bianco, Andrew, Map, 1436, 31,104, 106 

Bjatmeland, 46, 57 

Bjarmones, 66 

Bjame, 13,«ft., 18, 34 

Bjom, of Skardii, 46 

Bjornsdottir, SigriSr, 48 

Black Death, 47, +8 

Blanchinus, Jabannei, 74, 7I 

Blau, 58 

Bologna Ptolemy edition, lee Pculemy 

Bono deU'Avacato, Pietro, 74, 7S, tic, 

loi, etc. 
Bonus, Petrus, 74, 78, etc., 108, etc. 
Book of Hauk, ste Hiuk, Book of 

Borpa, Cardinal, see Alexander VI 

Borglumends, Ord. Cist., 103 

Borsclti Ferranti Balanl, Ferrante Oio> 

vanni, 7K-S0 
Bono di £sle, Dake, 73, elc, to8, etc. 
Boulenget Globe, 90 
Baye, 16, 38, 39 
Brasilia, 89 
, Braetihlid. 6, 18,1; 

Brazil, Island, 94, 99, 105-107 



Brazir, Islaftdy X05 

Breidaifjord, 5 

Bremen, ly see also Adam, of Bremen 

Brenner, Oscar, 104 

Brezir, Island, X05 

Bristol Merchants^ 105 

Britain, X03 

Brugeios, Itinlraire, 66 

Brussels Ptolemy, see Ptolemy 

Bniun, Daniel, 26, 30, 44, 51 

Bniun, Malthe Conrad, 53, 54 

Brynjillfson, 29 

Bugge, Alexander, 52 

Buondelmonte, Christopher, 63 

Buondelmonte Codex, 64, 71, 76 

Burgundy, Kings of, 35 

Byzantium, 58) 69 

Cabral, 89 

Cabulium, 77 

Campori, Guiseppe, Marquis, 75, 80 

Canada, 96 

Canerio, 1500, 77, 106 

Cantino, 77, 92 

Cape Breton, 97 

Capricorn, Tropic of, 89 

Carelorum regio, 61, 6 a 

Carmelites, German, 60 

Caroli, 91 

Cartier, Jean, 98 

Casella, Ludovico, 74, 108, etc. 

Catalanian Portulan, 15 th cent., 94, 99 

Cemnat, 78 

Ceradini, Giulio, 81 

Chemmat, jj 

Chesterton, England, 42 

Chetaori, 77 

Christ, cross of, 71 

Christy, Robert Miller, 92 

Cimbrian Peninsula, 59, 69 

Claudius Clavus, 57, 59, 84, 91 

Claudius Cymbricus, 57, 59, 84, 91 

Claudius Niger, 57, 59, 84, 91 

Clavius, Claudius, 57, 59, 84, 51 

Codanus, Sinus, 59, 84, etc, 

Cogdanus, Sinus, 85 

Columbus, Christopher, 89, 106 

Compostela, 104 

Conrad, Grand Master, 63 

Constance, Council of, 60 

Constantinople, 103 

Coote, Charles Henry, of the British 
Museum, 90 

Coracles, 67, 99 

Corner, Hermann, 4 

Corporal, 50 

Corterat, Gaspar, 92 

Corterat, Terra, 92 

Cosa, Juande la, Map of the World, 1500, 

Cranz, David, 99 

Crivelli, Thaddaus, 80, etc., 108, etc. 

Crusade Penny, 29 

Crusades, 103 

Csontosi, 73 

Cuba, 88 

Cyclades, 82 

Cymbricus, Claudius, 57, 59, 84, 91 

Daae, Ludwig, 22, 51 

Dacia, 84, 85 

Dagmal position, 95, 96 

Dahlgren, 65, 66 

Dahlmann, Friedrich Christoph., 5 

Dalmatia, 76 

Dalorto, 32 

De Costa, Benjamin Franklin, 49 

Dalmatia, 76 

Denmark, 64, 103 

Denmark, King of, 2, 3, 61 

Denys, Nicolas, 98 

Deodatus Sanctus, 87 

Deutsche Rtmdschan, 12 

Di^, St., 87 

Dighton Rock, iii, 42, 43 

Doegr, 97 

Dolarto Portulano, 1339, 104 

Dominicans, 37^ 103 

Donatus, 81 

Donis, 73 

** Donis *' Maps, 24, 70 

Donnus Nicolaus Germanus, see Nicolaus, 

Draethoor, Insula, 66 
Draghdr parva, 66 
Drontheim, 15 

Drontheim, Archbishop of, 50, 102, etc. 
Drontheim Cathedral, 67 
DulcertMap, 1339, 104 
Diirer, Albrecht, 88 
Dvalin, 35 

Ebnerianus, Codex, 75 

Edda, 35 

Egger, Peter von, 23 

Egypt, Sultan of, 32 

Ehrle, Franz, v., 43, 52, 75, 82 

Einar, Envoy of Greenland, 104 

Einar Saga, 104 

Einridr, 34 

Elter, Anton, 87-89 

England, 61, 103 

Engronelant, 83, 86, 89, 93 

Eric the Red, 5, etc,^ 97 

Eric VII., of Pomerania, 60 

Eric, Bishop, 21, 29, 41 

Eric Saga, 12, 99 

Erici Portus, 60, 64 

ErichsQord, 5, 7, 27 

Erichsstadn, 60 

Erichsstadt, 60, 64 

Erling, 34 

Eskimos, 47, 54, 67, 98, 99 

Este, Duke Borso di, 73, etc., loS, etc. 

Este MS., Modena, 73, 108, etc. 

Estotiland, King of, 43 

Estotiland, Library of, 44 

Eubel, Konrad, 21 

Europe, Map of, 84 

Eykt and Dagmal position, 95, 96 



Eyrbygg, 9 
Eyrbyggja Saga, 9 
Eystribyg, 23, 24 

Falcon, White, 32 

Faro, island, 66 

Faroer, Bishop of, xoz 

Feminarum insula, 66 

Femo, Island^ 66 

Ferdinand, King of Naples, 73 

Feret, Pierre, 78 

Ferrara, 74, 78, 80 

Filiaster, Cardinal, 58, etc, 72, 83, etc. 

Finseus, Orontius, see Fine, Oronce 

Fine, Oronce, Delph, 91, etc, 

Finland, 62, 102 

Finnmark, 46, 57 

Finnus Johannaeus, see J6ns8on, Finnr, 

Bishop ofSkalholt 
Fischer, Joseph, 45, 72, 73, 80, x ox, x 02 
Fixlanda, Island^ 94, X05 
Flanders, 29, 104 

Flatey Book, 7, 12, X3, 15, X7, X9, X02 
F16amanna Saga, 20 
Florentine Norse Maps, 24, 58, see also 

France, Map of, 75, %i,etc, ; Routes, 104 
Franciscus a Sancta Clara, 10 1 
Frantz, Erich, 73 
Frederick Il.y Emperor^ 32 
Freiburg im Breisgau, 89 
Freydis, 18 

Friedlieb, Franziscus, 59 
Frisland, 106 
Frixlanda, Island^ 107 
Frobisher, Martin, 106 
Fuxo, Cardinal de, 65 

Gda^ 32 

Gallia, 85 

Gallois, L., 68, 75, -j-j^ 79, 8x, 88, 89-92 

Gamlason, Porhallr, 9 

Gardar, 8, 22, 26, 28, 29, 39, 4X, 45,47, 

50 ; Bishop of, X02, etc. 
Garde, 8 

Geelmyden, H., 96 
Gel^ich, Eugen, 28, 42, 44 
Gellisson, Thorkel, 5 
Genoa Mappemonde, 1447} 85 
Gering, Hugo, 9, 13 
German battleships, 48 
German Polar Expedition, 32 
Germain, Jehan, 78 
German ia, 84 
Germanus, Joannes, 78 
Germanus, Nicolaus, see Nicolaus 
Germany, 103 ; Emperor of, 104 
Gizur, Bishop of Iceland, X02 
Gheyn, Joseph van den, 78 
Godthaabsfjord, 27 
Gold Mines, Danish, 64 
GoUanda, 102 
Golther, Wolfgang, 4, 5 
Gothaab, 27 
Gothland, 63, 77 

Graah, Wilhelm August, 24 
Gravier, Gabriel, 4X, 53, xoi 
Greek Archipelago, 64 
Greenland, x, etc.^ 6x, 62, 66, X03, in 

cartography, 69, 8 x, 86, etc, 
Greenland, Zoology of. 30-33, 56 
Gregor, S., Island, 107 
Grenlanda, X02 
Gretti Saga, 9 
Gripla, 28 
Grolandia, 84 
Gronelant, 83 
Gronlendingapattr, x6 
Gudmundsson, Finnur^ 26, 43 
Gudmund, Jonas> 46 
Gudrid, 18, 36, 102 
Gunnbjorn, 6 
Gunthcr, 35 
Giinther, Siegmund, i 
Gutenberg, Johann, 81 

Haalogaland, 15 

Haebler, Konrad, 43 

Hafger^jingadr&pa, 35 

Hafner, H., v., 89 

Hagen, 35 

Hahn, Nicolaus, 8x 

Hakon, King of Norway, 22, 67, 68 

Haldis, 36 

Haldur, Priest, 34 

Hallagland, 3 

Hamy, Ernest Theodore, 68 

Hanncke, Rudolf, 21 

Harrisse, Henry, 88, 92, 106 

Hasfurth, 59 

Hauk, 12 

Hauk, Book of, 12, 13, 15, 17, X9, 33, 

Hechelberg, 68 
Heinfogel, Conrad us, 88 
Hekla, 68 
Helgafeld, 5 
Helgi, 34 

Helluland, 8, 17, 46, 55, 94, etc. 
Helmingson, Thorstein, 48 
Hem burg, 4 

Henry III., Emperor of Germany, X04 
Henry VII., King of England, X05 
Herjulf, 13 

Hermann, Hermann Julius, 73, 81 
Hey wood, J. C, 30, 48, 51 
Higden, Ranulphus, 64 
Hinn, Fr6di, see Thorgilsson, Ari 
Hinn Hepni, Leif, 7 
Hinschius, Paul, 50 
Holar, 50 ; Bishop of, 51, X02 
Holden, Edward Singleton, 43 
Holm, Gustav Frederik, 25, 27 
Holstein, Duchy of, 64, 77 
Holy Land, 61, 103 ; Map of, 75, 8x, etc, 
Holzapfel, 63 
Hon terns, Johann, 90 
Hop, 97 

Horsford, Eben Norton, 42 
Howley, Bishop, 57 



Hnitafjordy 9 

Humboldt, Fried rich Heinrlch Alexander 

von, Baron f 37 
Hvalsey, 48 
Hvarf, Cape^ 24 

Iceland, i, etc., 66, 70, 85 

Icelandic Annals, 47, d"] 

Igalikofjord, 38, 39 

Ikigait, 39, 40 

Ilacomilus, Martinus, see Waldseemiiller, 

Ilia de Brazil, 99 
Ilia Verde, 94, 99, 107 
India, no 
Indian Rice, 98 
Indians, North American, 99 
Innocent III., Pope^ 61 
Innocent VIII. , Pope^ 49 
Insula glacialis, 85 
Insula Rovercha, 104 
Inventio Fortunata^ '50o> i©' 
Ireland, 105 

Irenicus, Franciscus, 58, 61, 64, 68, 71 
Isabella Island, 88 
Isafjord, 27 
Islanda, 102 

Isleiv, Bishop of Iceland, 102, 104 
Italia, no 

Italy, Nicolaus' Map of, 74, 75, 81 
Itineraire Brugeoib, 66 
Ivar Bardsson, see Bardsson, I. 

}an Mayen, 34, 56 
angingen, 63 
JeliC, Luka, 21,28, 29, 37, 41, 44, 45, 48, 

5»» 53, 54 
erusalem, 104 

essen, 26 

ohn. Archbishop of Drontheim, 103 

bhn, of Koslin, Bishop, 21 

ohn XXII., Pope^ 29 

omard, Edme Fran9ois, 68, 90 

on. Bishop of Greenland, 1208, 103 

on Ericson Scalle, Bishop of Greenland, 


on pbrdarson, 14 

6nsson, Arngrimr, 15 

onsson, Finnr, Bishop of Skalholt^ 52 

onsson, Finnur, 26-28 

uan de la Cosa, 107 

udea, no 

ueghelberch, 68 

}~ ulianehaab, 23, 25, 27 
utland, 60, 66 

Kagsiarsuk, 27, 38, 39 

Kajack, ^"j 

Kakortok, 27 

Kalalit, 99 

Kamuiy Bishopric of, 21 

Karalit, 99 

Karellans, 6x, 62, 66, 91 

Karlsefiii, Thorfinn, 7, etc,^ 97, 98^ X02 

Kayser, W., X2, 15 

Kemmat, 77 

Kiel, 66 

Kimbe, Thorleif, 9 

Kimbervaag, 9 

King's Mirror, 9, 22, 28, etc.^ 56, 104 

Kinglktorsoak, 34 

Kjalarnas, 97 

Klene, H., iv. 

Knauer, Friedrich Karl, 104 

Knorr, Ship, 47, 48, 50 

Knotel, A. F. R., 41 

Knutsson, Paul, 47 

Kohl, Johann Georg, 53 

Kolgrimr, 48 

Konigssaga, 7 

Koslin, 21 

Krantz, Albertus, 4 

Kretschmer, Konrad, 57, loi 

Kristni Saga, 7, 14 

Kroksfjar2(arheidi, 33 

Krossanas, 97 

Krumbacher, Karl, 69 

Kultur, 12 

Kumtyhone, 64 

Kunstmann, Friedrich, 32, loi, 105 

Laboratoris, Terra, 92 

Labrador, 46, 96 

Lady Islands, 34 

Lancaster Sound, 34 

Llandora, 60 

Landskrona, 60 

Lapacino, Francesco di, 68 

Laponia, 91 

Lappenberg, Johann Martin, x 

Lapps, 91 

Laub, Thomas, 7 

Lawrence, St., Gulf of, 98 

Leif, 7, etCy 17, 95, 98 

Leifsbudir, 16 

Lelewel, Joachim, 23, 66, 68, 85, loi 

Lenox Globe, 90 

Leo IX., Popey 102 

Lijsefjord, 18 

Lis pounds, 54, 55 

Lithuania, 59, 84 

Livonia, 63 ; Map of, 77 

LofHer, Ernst, 43 

Lohr, 106 

Liibeck, 66 

Liibeck Mappemonde, X475, 102 

Lucas, Frederick William, 37, 92 

Lund, 21 

Lund, Archbishop of, X02 

Lyons, Council of, X274, 103 

Lyskander, Claus Christophersen, 4X 

Macaulay*s ** Schoolboy," 60 
Madhkeruth, 66 
Madkerot, (id 

Magnus, Bishop of Skalholt, 106 
Magnus VI., King of Norway, 22, 34 
Magnus, Olaus, 37, 51, 67 
Major, Richard Henry, of the British 
Museum^ 23, 24, 33, 47 



Mallery, Garrick, 42 

Malte-Brun, Conrad, see Bruun, Malthe 

Manfred!, Hieronymus, 80 
Margaret, ^ueen oi Norway, 63 
Manganotd, A., v., 73, 75, 80, 108 
Marcellus, 52 

Markland, 8, etc,^ 55i 94» ^c,^ 105 
Martin IV., Pope^ 44 
Marzi, Demetrio, 75, 82 
Matthias, 52 

Matthias, Benedictine, 49, 50 
Maurer, Konrad, 3, 7, 16, 21, 23, 24, 28, 

I9» 33-36, 38, 47*48, 50-53, 103, 104 
Mazer Wood, 45 
Mela, 85 
Mercator, 90 
Mexican MSS., 43 
Minorites, 103 

Modena, Este MS., 73, 75, 80, 108, etc, 
Mogk, Eugen, 6, 13, 22, 25, 34 
Monuments Germaniae Historica, see 

Pertz, G. H. 
Moosmiiller, Oswald, 41, 43, 46, 95, lox 
Munch, Peder Andreas, 21, 30, 55 

Nancy Ptolemy Codex, see Ptolemy 

Ncn, Promontory y 71 

Newfoundland, 34, 46, 96 

Newfoundland Bank, 46 

Newport, Rhode Island, 42 

Nicholas III., Pope^ 56 

Nicholas V., Pope, 5', 56 

Nicholas, Abbot, of Thingegre, 7, 8, 104 

Nicholas Sigurdson, 22 

Nicolas, de Linna (Lynn), loi 

Nicolas, of Albano, Cardinal, 103 

Nicolaus Donis, see Nicolaus, Germanus 

Nicolaus, Germanus, Donus, 25, 69, 77, 

80, etc., 108, etc,\ Lobhymnus, no, 

Nicolaus Niger, 7 1 
Nicolaus teotonichus, 80, xo8, etc, 
Nicol6 todesco, 81, 108, etc. 
Nordenskiold, Nils Adolf Erik, Baron, 6, 

23-25» 35» 38* 58, 59i 63, 65-71, 79, 

81, 83, 89-92, 99, 102, X05 ; death, 106 
Nordhindh Bondh, 65 
Nordinhoduch, 65 

Norenbodhen, 65 

Norse mark, 29 

Northern Lights, 22 

Northern Regions, Map of, 75 

Nor8rseta, 33, 46 

Norumbega, 42 

Norway, i, etc., 59, 63, 84, 104 

Norwegia, 85 

Nova Scotia, 97 

Novergia, 84 

Nux ultramarina, 45 

Oberhummer, Eugene, 89 
Obrazill, 106 
Odd, 34 
Ohio, 42 

Olaf, Bishop of Greenland, 103 

Olaf I, King of Norway, 7, 9, 15, 17 

Olaf, Saint, 38, 61 

Olaf Saga, 12 

Olafsson, Thorstein, 48 

Olsatie ducatus, 64, 77 

Orcades, 102 

Ordericus Vitalis, loi, 102 

Orkneys, 3 

Ortelius, Abraham, 88, 90 

Osloii, Bishop of, 103 ; Cathedral,- 68 

Ottonia, Island^ 60 

Padua, 80 

Palestine, 61, 103 ; map of, 75, 82 

Paris Ptolemy Codex, see Ptolemy 

Parry, 44 

Paul II, Pope, 73, 75, 77, 78, 112, etc. 

Paul, Hermann, li, 35 

Pedro de Ayola, 105 

Peringskjold, Johan Fredrik, 15 

Pertz, Georg Heinrich, 22, 63, 102, Z03 

Peschel, Oscar Ferdinand, 10 1 

Peter's Pence, 29, 54, 55 

Petersen, 26 

Petursvik, 27 

Pheonia, Island, 60 

Phythian, 96 

Pilapelant, 86 

Pilappelandia, 91 

Pilappelanth, 86 

Pining, Didrik, 51,67 

Pizigani Portulano, 104, 105 

Pliny, 85 

Plon, 66 

Poland, 59 

Polonia, S4, 85 

Porte-Croix Indians, 43, 44 

Portugal, 87 

Portugal, King of, 92 

Portulanos, 65, 68, 94, 99 

Pothorst, 51, 67 

Prester John, 65 

Priscianus, Peregrinus, 80 

Pruci, 63 

Prusci, 63 

Prussia, 59 ; map of, ^j^ 85 

Prussians, perversa nacio, 61, 63 

Prutenorum nacio, 61 

Pruthia, 84 

Pruzzi, 63 

Pseudo-Donis, 72 

Ptolemy, the Geographer, 58, etc, J^eic,, 
106; Bologna edition, 80 ; Brussels Co- 
dex, 815 Florence Codex, 69, 71, 76, 
8z, no. III; Nancy Codex, 58, ^.; 
70, 83 ; Paris Codex, 75, 79 ; Rome 
edition, 82; Strassburg edition, 1513, 
92 J Vatican Codex, 60, 75. 93 5 Ulm 
edition, 1482, i486, 70, 76, 77, 82, 
etc.; Wolfegg Codex, 24, 60, 73, 76, 
80, 82, etc.y no. III 

Pygmies, 66, 91 

Quart! Sana, Castle, 73 



R., J. (Joh. Reger), 78 

Radolfzell, 89 

Rafh, Carl Christian, 7, 8, 12, 22, 23, 28, 

41, 56, 95» 97 . 
Raidcl, Georg Martin, 75 

Rangafjord, 27 

Rattinger, Jesuit, 29 

Ratzel, Friedrich, 99. 

Rau, Charles, 43 

Reclus, Elisee, 43 

Reeves, Arthur Middleton, i, 4, 7, 8, 12, 

i3» i5» ^7» 96' 97» i02> 103 
Reger, Johann, -j^i, 77 

Reichenbach, Bavaria^ 72 

Reillo, Isiafidy 101 

Richard, Joseph, v. 

Rimbegla, 97 

Ringmann, Matthias, 87 

Rink, Hinrich Johannes, 3 1 

Rome, 103 

Rossia, 84 

Rovercha, /vjw/a, 104 

Ruelens, Charles, 81 

Ruge, Sophus, 17, 23, 34, 41, 42, 58, 69, 

94, 99, 105, 106 

Runic Stone, 34 

Russia, 46, 57, 66 

Ruthent, 63 

Ruysch, Joh., loi 

Sabina, 103 
St. Die, 87 
Salinga, 60 
Salvage, Island^ 100 
Sancta Clara, Franciscus a, 101 
Sandhill Islands, 24 
Santarem, loi 
Sarmatia, 84 
Satanaxio, Island ^ loi 
Saxony, 102 

Scalle, John Ericson, Bishop of Green- 
land, 103 
Schmidt, Valdemar, 26 
Schonen, 65 

Schbner, Johann, 59, 67, 71, 87, ^o^eic. 
Schultz, Alwin, 32 

Schwarz, Claudius Clavus, 57, 59» 84, 91 
Schwarzkoppen, Christina, 21 
Scolvus, John, 5 1 
Scoda, 85 
Scotland, 69 
Serica, 66 
Sermelik, 27 
Shipley, John B., 42 
Shipley, Marie A., 41 
Siam, 104 
Sighvat, 34 
SigriSfr Bjornsdottir, 48 
Sigurd, King of Norway, 21 
Sigurdson, Nicholas, 22 
Sk4ldhe]garimur, 35 
Skalholt, 50 ; Bishop of, 51, 106 
Skalholt Annals, 46 
Skara, Diocese of, 45 
Skardz6, 46 

Skralingen, 28 

Skralings, 6, 9, 19, 33, 47. 62, 98. 99 

Slavorum re^o, 61, 62 

Slavs, 61, 62 

Smith, Ch., 11 

Snorri, 7, 9, 19, 102 

Snorri Torfeson, 48 

Solinus, 85 

Solveson, Thorgrimr, 48 

Somershavn, 61 

Sophie, Ship, 25 

Spain, Map of, 75, 81, cic. 

Spitzbergen, 34, 56, 105 

Squarcione, 80 

Stabius, Joannes, 88 

Steenstrup, 25 

Steinesnes, 24, 28, 29 

Stephanius, Sigurd, 99, 106 

Stephen's Church, St. , Vienna, 45 

Stevens, Henry, Schoner's Globe of, 1523, 

Stevens, Henry Newton, discovers an earlier 

printed World map than that in the Ulm 

Ptolemy of 1482, 76 
Stobnicza, 89 
Stock, F. R., 12, 15 
Storm, Gustav, i, 4, 7, 8, 9, 12, 13-19, 

i9> 34» 38, 41, 44, 45-57» 59> 7°, 84, 

94. 95,97->oi> 105-107 
Straumsfjord, 45, 97 
Suesia, 85 
Suessia, 85 
Supan, Alexander, 31 
Svalbar8r, 34, 56 
Sveinson, Dr., 43 

Sven Estrithson, King of Denmark, 2, 3 
Svolder, 15 

Swartho, Claudius Clavus, 57, 84, 91 
Sweden, i, etc, 
Switzerland, 104 

Tanmar, Island j loi 

Targioni, 74 

Taurica Chersonesus, 84 

Terra Australis, 64 

Terra Corterat, 92 

Terra de Cuba, 88, 92 

Terra Laboratoris, 92 

Teutonic Knights, 63 

Thanay, fl., 84 

Thile, Island^ 69 

Thingeyre, 7, 8, 104 

Tholomeus, 84, eic. 

Thomas, St., Monastery of, 68 

Thorbjorg, 36 

Thorbrand, 9 

Thord, 34 

Thorfinn Karlsefni, 7, elc, 97, 98. 102 

Thorfinn Saga, 35 

Thorgil, 20 

Thorgilsson, Ari, 4-10, 99 

Thorgrimr Solveson, 48 

Thorhall, 18 

Thorkel, 36 

ThorleifKimbe, 9 



Tboroddwn, Thonildr, i6 
Thonnln, iS 
Thomcin Helmingion, 4S 
ThontEia Olaftaon, 48 
Tbomld, J4 
Thorwild, 6, iS 


.t, Jt 

Tor^eui, Thormodu), ;, i], 11 

46. 57 
Toricton, Snom, 4S 
Toi^rnajr coinage, 19 
Tricbciniiu. 71 
TuougdliirGk, 17 
Tyk, /j/il»</, 84 

UhUn, Kul. 4.; 
Ujuatniit, 17 
Ulm Ptokmj, m/ Ptolnny 
UmUk, 67 
Uuildiapnunni, 91 

Uiiciii, GumTo, es, 78, So 

Vadianut, Joachim, 90 

Vagar, 17 

Van den Ghqro, JoKph, sit Oheyn 

Vatican. la^ ; Archl>«, 11 ; Mapt, 14, 69 

Vatican Ptolemy Codei, set Ptokmy 

Vetpudtu, AlboicDt, 89 

Vnpuciuj, Americas, %~, etc. 

Vestribvi-*, ij 

Vikingi, 101 

Vine^, 90 

Wuu, Georg, 5! 
Waitt, Theodor, 99 

Walckmaet, Chatlts Athanate, Banm, 75 

Waldburg-Wolftgg-Waldiee, Frani Xa«ier 

Joief Friedrich, PritKC, X4, 70, 86, 

WaldMC, Waldboig-Woll^ set 

WaldiemulLer Ilacomilu, Mattinus 
Waldieemiiller, Mailin, Map of the 

1507, 14,86, (^c-i Carta Marina 

Olographic introduf 


Walnu toiks. 



, S9 

Wanaw Codei 

r. 7i, sti 

■also Zammik; 

Watlenhacb, Wilhelm 

Weinhold, Ka 

rl, 1 

Wend,, 4; 

WerlaulF, Erich Chriiti 

an, 4, 7, 8. S- 



Wiclif, John, 


Wiewr, Franz, 



69, 8z, S3, SS, 88, 90, 91, 
WUbelml, Karl. 46 
William, ofSabina, 103 
William, lerrant of King Hakon, 11 
Wineland, 3, etc^ 55, 94, etc., 101, loi 
Winior, luilin, i, 7, J4, 41, 44, 99 
Wolfcgg Map, 1507,14, ib,etc. 
Wolfcgg Ptolemy Codei, see Ptolemy 
Wolfegg-Waldiee, W.ldborg, ste Wald- 

Wuttke, 101 
Wyoter, Johann, Wrar, 11 

Zamoisky Map, 14, 58, 69, 71 , 8i 
Zealand, 66 

Zeno, Antonio, 13, 57, 44. 67, 68, to6 
Zeno, Nicolfi, ij, j-, 44, 6-, 106 
Zeno Map. 1558, 14,91 



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llographia, quasi 

publisbeb anb Solb big 


39 Great Russell Street over against the South-West 

Corner of the British Museum 



BS we are both publishers and retail book- 
sellers, the vexed question frequently arises 
as to the equitable discount to be allowed 
I to retail buyers on our own publications. 
Most London retail booksellers allow their 
customers 2 5°/o discount for cash on new books which are 
not published at a net price. But the practice of publishing 
books at a net price, to be retailed by all booksellers 
uniformly at that net price, is happily coming more and 
more into vogue. In this catalogue most of our more recent 
publications will be found to be marked net. From the 
prices of those not so marked, we will allow henceforth the 
customary retail Discount of 25°/,, and will pay the postage in 
addition. On those books marked net there is no discount 
beyond the free postage ; but to Libraries and others 
ordering J or more separate works at the same time* we 
will give (until further notice) a special discount on net books 
and a further discount on those not so marked. Particulars 
of these Clubbing Rates will be sent on application. 


* The " Hercules Club " Series {pages 8 and 9) cannot be included 
under this offer. Winship's Cabot cannot be supphed to America {vide foot 
of page 4), and the price of American Book Prices Current {page 11) is 
absolutely net under all circumstances. 

Published December, 1902. 




Translated from the German 

By basil H. SOULSBY 


Royal Svo, xxiv+ 132 /A witk a frontispiece and 10 facsimiles of ancient Maps, 
also a valuable Bibliography ; tastefully bound in cloth, 

8s. net, post free. 

iN this important work, Professor Fischer passes under review every scrap 
of information which has been used by previous writers on this subject. 

II With the greatest care, he endeavours so to sift his material, as to 
eliminate what may be described as purely mythical, and then to show 
how much of the remainder may reasonably be accepted as fact. He then 
attempts to demonstrate how far the facts are supported by the new evidence 
he adduces, principally in the shape of recently discovered manuscript maps 
(hitherto unpublished, save in the recent German edition of this work). 

The results are surprising, and it becomes plainly apparent from the 
cartographical evidence exhibited by Professor Fischer, that the early dis- 
coveries of the Norsemen in Greenland and in the regions to the North of 
America, were far better known in pre-Columbian times than has hitherto 
been supposed or thought to be possible. The account of the manner in 
which the information probably reached Southern Europe through the visits 
of Scandinavian Bishops to the Pope, and through pilgrims to Rome and the 
Holy Land, will be read with the greatest interest. 

The new information respecting the geographers Claudius Clavus, Donnus 
Nicolaus Germanus, and Martin VValdseemiiller, is of the highest importance. 

The facsimiles of the recently discovered Manuscript Maps in the Vatican 
and at Wolfegg, will be received by all cartographical students with avidity. 

Particular interest naturally centres in the account given by Professor 
Fischer of his fortunate discovery of the long-lost Waldseemiiller Map of 1507, 
and his hitherto unknown " Carta Marina "of 1516. Facsimiles of the Green- 
land portions of these two maps are included in the plates. 

In making his translation, Mr. Soulsby has endeavoured to be as literal 
as possible. From the unrivalled resources of the British Museum at his 
command, he has been enabled to considerably expand the Bibliography 
prefixed to the work, and he has also added a short Index, otherwise the 
work conforms to the original German as closely as possible. 

The contents of the work and a list of the plates are given in a detailed 
prospectus, which will be sent on application. 








Demy Svo, liv + i2>o pages, cloth, uncut 

18s. post free. 

HE position of the Cabots in the geographical history of England and Spain 

between 1460 and 1560 has made them the subject of a very large number 

of books. The confusion which has resulted from the conflicting statements 

made by various writers, caused the necessity for a thorough re-examination 

of the whole subject. 

Being inspired to undertake this task, Mr. Winship found it absolutely 
necessary first to collect and tabulate all the available material ; hence the origin 
of this bibliography. Its compilation necessitated the re-examination of every 
scrap of Cabotiana which could be found. 

The first part of the bibliography contains a detailed description of every 
known item of information which throws any light upon the personalities or the 
public careers of the Cabots. Every significant statement which can be traced to 
any person who may have known either of the Cabots, or whose information may 
have been derived from someone who knew about them personally, is quoted in 
its original form, and analysed for the purpose of showing what deductions may 
properly be derived from it. 

The second part contains a bibliographic description of books relating to the 
Cabots written since 1600. The notes call attention to statements which appear 
for the first time in these secondary writings, and, wherever possible, show how the 
statements came to be made, and what justification there is for them in the sources 
of information or in historical probability. Many of the erroneous statements can 
be traced to a modicum of fact, out of which they have been evolved by the various 
processes of misapprehension and misconception, by which successive writers have 
altered the statements of their predecessors, until the hypotheses and the accidental 
mistakes of one generation become the accepted historical traditions of the next. 

Having thus gotten together his material and analysed it item by item, Mr. 
Winship then proceeds to write therefrom a simple connected narrative of what is 
definitely known about the Cabots. This forms the " Introductory Essay " of the 
present volume. Marginal numbers refer to the notes in the bibliography, serving 
as a chronological index to the sources of information, by which the accuracy of 
the statements in the essay may be tested step by step. This is followed by a brief 
discussion of the Cabot controversies, providing a similar guide to the significant 
contributions to the numerous disputes, pointing out the questions which may fairly 
be considered as subject to discussion, and suggesting, where this is possible, the 
explanation of the peculiar views maintained in the arguments. 

The work as a whole is an effort to contribute something new to bibliographic 
method and to the material for historical study. 

A detailed prospectus with specimen page will be sent on application, 

American orders for this Book should be sent to Dodd, Mead & Co., New 
York, to whom we have assigned the American rights. 

Published 5th December, 1900. 

Mr. Henry Harrisse's very Important Work on the 

Discovery and Cartography of Newfoundland. 

decouverte et 
Evolution cartographique de 


1497 — 1501 — 1769 


This beautiful volu7ne consists ^/ 72 + 420 pages of text, demy 4to, 
uniform in size and general appearance with the *' Discovery of North 
America^^ by the same author^ published by us in 1892. The work is pro- 
fusely illustrated by 26 full-page facsimiles of ancient maps, in heliogravure, 
Qf^Cy and by no less than 162 smaller facsimiles in the text. 

The entire impression consists ^380 copies : 
10 copies on Whatman paper {Author's copies, not for sale). 
I o copies on Japanese paper, at £8 net. 
40 copies on Dutch hand-made paper, at £5 net. 
320 copies on toned paper, at £3 net. 

The above prices include postage in prifited wrappers. Copies can be 

supplied, bound in half leather, gilt top, Roxburghe style, at the additional 

cost of 6s., but the work is too heavy for book-post in that form. 

N this elaborate work Mr. Henry Harrisse applies to the early history, 
cartography and nomenclature of Newfoundland, a thorough scientific 
analysis which may be described as exhaustive. All the principal con- 
figurations, courses of rivers, localities of towns, harbours, coasts, estuaries 
and seas, as depicted on the earliest known globes, portulans and maps, are brought 
under review, together with the variations and discrepancies in their nomenclature, 
whether cartographical or documentary. These elements are then compared, 
analysed and studied with a view of ascertaining the truth they contain, and 
endeavouring to discover the cause of the manifold errors which mar the early 
geographical history of America, particularly in the regions of Newfoundland, 
Labrador, Nova Scotia and the north-eastern part of Canada proper. 

The 26 beautiful facsimile maps will be found of the greatest value to all 
students of the early cartography of America, and the 162 admirable diagrams in 
the text will enable the reader still more readily to follow Mr. Harrisse's arguments 
step by step. 

A detailed Prospectus, with Specimen Page and Table of Contents, will be sent on 


Special Notice as to Mp. Ppowse's Book. 

In December, 1898, by arrangement with Mr. G. R. F. Prowse we announced the speedy publication 

of his work entitled 


A Cartological Determination of the English, French and Iberian Discoveries between 

Labrador and Maine, 1497- 163 3. 

In November, 1899, ^he author informed us that the work was not yet ready for the press, but 
since that date we have had no further communication from him. Consequently we are unable to 
state whether the work will ever be published. Those persons who have already enrolled their 
names with us as intending subscribers are requested to accept this intimation that the delay rests 
entirely with the author. 

As the work of Mr. Harrisse described above, covers to some extent the ground designed by Mr. 
Prowse's book, any subscribers to the latter who desire to take Mr. Harrisse's book at once, instead 
of waiting indefinitely for Mr. Prowse's, will be supplied on special terms, which may be ascertained 
on application. 


The Silver Map of the World 


Including some Critical Remarks on the Zeno NarratiYe and Chart of 1558 and 

on the Curious Misconception as to the Position of the DiscoYeries made by 

Martin Frobisher in 1576-7-8 which crept into the Cartography of the North 

Atlantic and of the North-Eastern Coast of America through the 

Errors of the Zeno Chart. 

By miller CHRISTY 


xii + 71 pages. Illustrated by facsimile reproductions of the Silver Map^ 
seven other contemporary Charts^ and two diagrammatic Charts, Demy Svo, 

handmade paper ; cloth, uncut. 

Price 12s. 6d. post free. 

R. MILLER CHRISTY'S work as Editor of several volumes of the Hakluyt Society's 
series is well known. 

In the present important book Mr. Christy discusses in detail the Silver Medallion, 
bearing a Map of the World, which was struck about the year 1581 to illustrate and 
commemorate Drake's Circumnavigation of the Globe in 1577-80. 

Of this medallion, only three examples are now known to exist. The map it bears proves on 
examination to be a masterpiece of the map engraver's art and of considerable cartographic import- 
ance. By means of a dotted line and various inscriptions, the route taken by Drake, and the 
principal places he touched at are named. In all probability it was engraved in Paris, under the 
supervision of Richard Hakluyt, and by a certain cartographer who signed himself* F.G." 

Incidentally, too, the " Silver Map " is of considerable interest in connection with the contem- 
porary north-west voyages of Martin Frobisher, inasmuch as it is one of the few charts of the period 
which shows the region explored by him in its correct position on the east coast of America — not on 
the east coast of Greenland, where it was erroneously placed on most later maps, until quite a recent 
date. Mr. Christy shows in detail how this most extraordinary and long enduring misconception 
arose through certain errors of the Zeno Chart of 1558 (which is reproduced in facsimile), and 
illustrates his remarks by means of a diagrammatic chart, in which he super-imposes the Zeno Chart 
(in red) upon a correct chart of the North Atlantic (in black). In this connection, the author has 
been enabled, by the kind permission of the Marquess of Salisbury, to reproduce in facsimile, the 
actual chart of Frobisher's first voyage in 1576, which is preserved at Hatfield House and is 
described in an appendix. It was drawn by William Borough ; and, as it has not hitherto been 
published, its reproduction should prove a boon to students of early American cartography. 

The author concludes with a long appendix in which he discusses the geographical importance 
and probable origin of the perplexing Zeno Chart of 1558. Though agreeing, in a' great measure, 
with the opinions as to the fictitious character of the Zeno story and map, recently expressed by Mr. 
Lucas, in his exhaustive work, The Annals of the Voyages of the Brothers Zeno^ Mr. Christy 
adduces, nevertheless, strong reasons for believing thAt the map (although it may be fictitious as 
illustrating the presumedly bogus Zeno story) may, from its strikingly correct representadon of 
certain parts then unknown, possibly have more foundation in fact than Mr. Lucas admits. His 
remarks (which are illustrated by a second diagrammatic chart) may well be read in connection with 
Mr. Lucas's treatise and the more recent work of Prof. Fischer, 

Among other contemporary charts which are reproduced in facsimile, as illustrating Mr. Christy's 
arguments, are Captain George Best's two maps of 1578, Michael Lok's map of 1582, F. G.'s 
beautiful map of the New World appearing in Hakluyt's edition of Peter Martyr's De Orbe Novo 
(Paris, 1587), and that portion of Emery MoUineux' globe of 1592 which represents the North 
Atlantic and the countries adjacent thereto. This is the first occasion, it is believed, on which any 
portion of this unique and extremely interesting globe has been reproduced. 

The Annals of the Voyages of the Brothers 

Nicolo and Antonio Zeno 







2^^ pages, Royal ^to, with \Z facsimiles of early maps and numerous illus- 
trations in the text, handmade paper, half morocco, gilt top, £2 2s. 

or sewed in printed wrappers, post free, £2 2s, 

Edition de Luxe, Japanese Vellum Paper, £4 4s. net. 

Detailed Prospectus on Application. 


" The Story of the Zeni has been regarded for centuries as one of the strangest problems of literature. . . . 
Some of the worst difficulties have been explained by Mr. Lucas in the fine volume before \xs." — Spectator . 

" The volume, a royal quarto, with many facsimiles of rare letterpress and precious maps, is printed in the 
best style of the Chiswick Press, on which, as well as the publishers and the learned author, it reflects honour." 
— Montreal Gazette. 

" It is difficult to see how the story can be any longer regarded as a serious narrative of exploration after 
the minute and masterly criticism to which Mr. Lucas has subjected it. . . . The work is altogether creditable 
to everyone concerned m its production." — T/w Times. 

" Mr. Fred. W. Lucas . . . has dealt fully and ably with one of the vexed questions in the history of 
geographical exploration. " — A tlietueum. 

"This work is a new and admirable study of the much controverted narrative." — Literature. 

"We must not dismiss Mr. Lucas's work without characterising it as an excellent piece of historical 
investigation^ and a most sumptuous volume typographically considered. . . . The all important bibliography 
has also received due attention." — TAe Z>m/ (Chicago). 

^ "This book is unquestionably and by far the best study of the Zeno question that has yet appeared." . . . 
" This splendid volume of Mr. Lucas." ..." The Zeno controversy was never before presented in so ample a 
manner, and with so many and pertinent illustrations. . . . One of the handsomest geographical books 
published recently." — T/ie Geographical Journal. 

" A noteworthy contribution to the literature of American discovery. With the assistance of his publishers, 
the firm which has done so much during two generations to throw light on the dark places in our history, Mr. 
Lucas has produced a magnificent volume, a model for the setting forth of any serious work in cartographic 
history. . . . For his contribution to our facilities for historical and cartographic knowledge no praise or 
gratitude can be too strong." — The Nation. 

"The most important publication upon this vexed subject which has appeared in English." — Rez'iew of 
H istorical Publications relating to Canada. 




London 1891. 

Over 200 pages with 10 maps and plates. 

Demy \to, 21s. 
Large handmade paper, royal ^to, 36s. 

HE Author has in his possession a remarkable Powder Horn, on which is engraved a map, 
about 1760, embracing that scrap of the Continent of America now forming the greater pare 
of the modern State of New York. 

Taking this map as a groundwork, Mr. Lucas endeavours to show how England and 
France came into collision in that region, and where and how they fought, and with what results. 
He then proceeds to elaborate more extensively the history of that part of the country displayed on 
the Powder Horn Map, during the French War, concluding with the Treaty of Paris in 1763. 

See also page 9. 


Posthumous Works of the late 





These beautiful small 4to volumes are privately printed in the old style at 
the Chiswick Press, on finest handmade paper, and are tastefully hound, 
uncut, in cloth hoards, to a special and novel design. They are issued only 

to subscribers, and 

The ENTIRE IMPRESSION consists of only 
150 numbered copies on small paper at l^sis.. net per volume. 
33 numbered copies on large paper at Sis. net per volume. 

Prices include postage. 

Vols. I and II were issued in 1900, and vols. Ill and IV are in the Press for deliver)* to the 
subscribers early in 1903. Vols. Ill and IV will be reserved in the first instance at the option of 
the subscribers to vols. I and II, hence they cannot be sold separately, unless any of the original 
subscribers do not desire to continue the series. Odd copies of vols. Ill and IV (if any) becoming 
thus available, will be allotted, either together or separately, according to priority of application. 

As very few copies of vols. I and II remain on hand, new subscribers will be required to take 
the set of 4 volumes at £3 net for the small paper, and £4 48. net for the large paper. 

It is hoped that the whole series of eleven volumes, as originally designed by the late Mr. Henry 
Stevens, may yet be completed, but no obligation is incurred by subscribers to continue the series 
beyond the four volumes now announced. They will, however, have the first option of taking any 
future volumes that may be issued. 

A detailed prospectus of vols, I and 11^ explaining also the origin and scope of the whole series^ 
together with a list of the other volumes in hand, will be sent on application. 

PHILOSOPHER AND THE SCHOLAR, developed chiefly from 
dormant materials. With notices of his associates, including disqui- 
sitions upon the materials of the history of "Ould Virginia." By 
Henry Stevens of Vermont. 

(Of this volume 12 extra and separate copies were printed for the Press and for presentation.) 

FOUND LAND OF VIRGINIA, Sir Walter Raleigh's Colony of 
1585. By Thomas Hariot, Mathematician. With an Introduction. 

The detailed prospectus explains how the publication of these two volumes came to be so 
long delayed. Suffice it to say here that the ** Life of Hariot** is a most interesting volume 
written in the late Mr. Henry Stevens's well known chatty and instructive style. The new 
facts and documents therein recited are of the greatest historical value. The following extracts 
from his "Premonition to the Pertingent Reader" will give some idea of the scope and aim 
of the book. " When I years ago undertook to compile a sketch of the life of Thomas 
Hariot and to trace the gradual geographical development of Virginia, I little suspected the 
extent of the research I was drifting into or the success that awaited my investigations. 
From a concise bibliographical essay the work has grown into a biography of a philosopher 
and man of science with extraordinary surroundings, wherein the patient reader may trace the 
gradual development of Virginia ; Hariot's nearly forty years intimate connection with Sir 
Walter Raleigh ; his long close companionship with Henry Percy j his correspondence with Kepler 5 
his participation in Raleigh's History of the World ; his invention of the telescope and his 
consequent astronomical discoveries ; his scientific disciples ; his many friendships and no foeships j 
his blameless life j his beautiful epitaph in St. Christopher's Church, and his long slumber in the 
* garden * of the Bank of England. AH the new documents mentioned have their special value, 


Rosthumous Works of the late 



but too much importance cannot be attached to the recovery of Harlot's will, for it at once dispels a 
great deal of the inference and conjecture that have so long beclouded his memory. It throws the 
bright electric light of to-day over his eminently scholarly, scientific and philosophical life. By this 
and other authorities given, it is hoped to add a new star to the joint constellation of the honoured 
worthies of England and America." — Henry Stevens. 

Vol. Ill (In the Press).— K BRIEFE AND TRUE RELATION OF 
MADE THIS PRESENT YEERE 1602. By Captaine Gosnold, 
Captaine Gilbert and divers other gentlemen. Written by 
M. John Brereton, one of the voyage. With an Historical Intro- 
duction by George Parker Winship, embodying the Notes of the late 
Henry Stevens of Vermont. 

The Introduction includes a bibliographical account of the excessively rare first edition, the 
esdstence of which was practically unknown till identified by Mr. Henry N. Stevens in 1886. 

Vol. IV (/« the Press). — A TRUE RELATION OF THE MOST 
OF THE LAND OF VIRGINIA. Written by James Rosier, a 
gentleman employed in the voyage. With an Historical Introduction by 
George Parker Winship, embracing the Notes of the late Henry Stevens 
of Vermont. 

Subscriptions (which should be accompanied by remittances) are now beings re- 
ceived, and should be addressed to Mr. HENRY N. STEVENS, 39, Great 

Russell Street, London, W.C. 



promulgated by the Emperor Charles the Fifth 

1542 — 1543 

A facsimile reprint of the original Spanish Edition together with a literal 

translation into the English Language 



Privately printed at the Chiswick Press 

London 1893. 

This beautiful book was designed and for the most part executed by the late Mr. Henry Stevens of 
Vermont.^ His historical introduction was unfortunately left incomplete at the time of his death in 1886. Mr 
Lucas, with great industry, took up Mr. Stevens's tmfmished narrative and conducted it to a successful 

The Introduction shows the changes in the condition of the Indians from the first landing of Columbus, 
their gradual enslavement, and the ever increasing hardships (hrust upon them by their Spanish conquerors. 
The consideration of these cruelties led to the framing of these New Laws, principally by Las Casas, for the 
amelioration of the unhappy lot of the Indians. The result of this well intentioned legislation is briefly traced. 

The first 38 pages of^the Introduction are from the pen of the late Mr. Henry Stevens, and the remainder 
from that of Mr. Lucas. Very few copies remain unsold. Detailed Prospectus on application. 

The ENTIRE IMPRESSION consisted of only 

13 copies on the finest writing^ vellum, at j£26 5s. net, 

75 copies on the finest handmade paper, at jgio los. net. 

The work has never been published or publicly advertised for sale. The paper copies are issued uncut in 
a tasteful binding, and the vellum copies unbound in an ornamental portfolio. 

Posthumous Works of the late 




A reproduction of his Globe of 1523 long lost 

his dedicatory letter to Rymer von Streytperck 

and the "De Moluccis" of Maximilianus Transylvanus 

With New Translations and Notes on the Globe 

Edited with an Introduction and Bibliography 
^ C. H. Coote of the British Museum 

London 1888. 

Small SvOy elegantly printed on thick special paper, embellished with numerous 
geographical blocks re-engraved from contemporary sources. 

Neatly bound in cloth, appropriately ornamented, 18s. post free. 
Large Paper, uniform in size and paper with the large paper Recollections of 

Lenox, £1 lis. Q^, post free. 

The only known copy of Schoner's Globe of 1523 came to light in 1885, and passed into the possession of 
the late Mr. Henry Stevens, who regarded it (to use his own words) as one of the keys to unlock the many 
mysteries of early American Geography. "America, instead of being broken up into many Islands as in all 
earlier globes, is here shown as one large continent of tolerably correct shape. Florida is here nanied for the 
first time in print, while all the monsters and bogus elements of American geography are made to disappear." 
In addition to the Contents mentioned on the title, the volume contains a IJibliography of Schoner's Works 
(46 items), with Collations and Notes ; a copious Index to the Introduction, Translations, and Bibliography ; 
and facsimiles of four earlier globes, and a Sketch of the " Carta da Navigar," 1502. 

The Introduction includes an account of early globes, embodying Mr. Henry Stevens's Notes on Schdner's 
Globe of 1523, and the early Cartography of America ; also a Biographical Sketch of Schoner. 

N.B. — Many additional facsimiles of early American maps referred to in this volume are contained in Mr. 
Stevens's Historical and Geographical Notes, described on page 14. 





1599— 1603 






By HENRY STEVENS of Vermont 
With an Introduction 


London 1886. 

Medium Svo, elegantly printed on thick laid paper specially made for the Book. 

Neatly bound in cloth, uncut ^ 21s. post free. 

Large Paper, super royal Svo, printed on Whatman^ s finest handmade 
paper, elegantly bound in cloth (a beautiful volume), £2 lOs. post free. 

Printed from the original Manuscript preserved in the India Office. The volume teems with interest on 
every page, containing, as Sir George Bird wood aptly remarks, " the ^erm of every triumph subsequently 
achieved m the seas and lands of the East." The chief importance of this volume to Ajiierican history is the 
account of Waymouth's Voyage for the Discovery of the North-West Passage, of which little has hitherto been 
known beyond the details given by Waymouth himself in his Journal, printed by Purchas. 






By henry STEVENS OF Vermont 

London 1886. 
Foolscap Svo, elegantly printed on handmade paper^ daintily bound in cloth, 

uncut, 7s. 6d. net, post free. 
Large Pap^r, thick handmade paper, cloth, uncut, 21s. post free. 

As very few copies now remain in stock, the price of the small paper edition has been advanced to 

7s. 6d. 7iet. 

This is a volume to charm the heart of every lover of books. It is full of humorous and romantic 
anecdotes of rare and unique books, and of stories of desperate struggles in the auction room, the_ whole 
interspersed with interesting bibliographical gossip of the experiences of half a century of book collecting. 

" Like what ^ book for the book collector should \}z"— Daily News. 
" Beautifully printed. A model of a book."— 6"/. James's Gazette. 
" Exceptionally handsome."— /'w^/wA^ry' C«>rt</rtr. 

"Mr. Henry Stevens is the man who knew more about the Lenox Library, if not about Mr. Lenox 
himself, than anybody else."— New York Daily Tribune. 



Sold at Auction in 





Published annually in December, each volume 

containing the Prices realised in the previous 

season ending on September 1. 

Price per volume 24s. net, absolutely without discount. 

Parcel Postage 6d. extra. Foreign Book Post is, extra. 

^r^HE arrangement of the American Book Prices Current will be found to offer 

I several improvements on the English plan. The books are arranged all in 

JL one alphabet (not by sales), so that all copies reported of the same work 

fall together. This alone is a great saving of time, as it is not necessary to 

refer to the index, as in the English plan, for each separate copy. At one glance, 

a comparison of different editions and varying prices is consequently obtained. 

The work also includes a large number of "previous records" by way of 
references to prices obtained in the sales of previous years both in England and 
America, thereby frequently saving the necessity of consulting back volumes or 
the English Book Prices Current. 

The series commenced in 1895, but several of the volumes are entirely out of 
print and command a considerable premium second-hand. A few odd volumes can 
be supplied (prices on application). The work being intended principally for the 
trade and collectors, the subscription price of the annual volume, 24s., has been 
fixed on a net basis absolutely without discount here or in America. 



Edited bv Dr. ELLIOTT COUES. 

We are pleased to be able to announce that we have secured from the New York publisher, 
Francis P. Harper, the exclusive European rights of sale of this important series of works devoted to 
exploration and discovery in the interior of North America. The books are beautifully printed on 
fine book paper, and the edition is limited to 950 numbered copies, cloth, 8vo. 

No. I. 






Edited with Notes by Dr. ELLIOTT COUES. 

I vol, doth, Svoy 128. 6d. net, post free, 

A most interesting volume of Western pioneering, now first printed from the original manuscript, 
containing the accounts of practically the first expedition into New Mexico after the Treaty of 1819 ; the first 
ascent of the Arkansaw River to Colorado : first recorded ascent of the Rio Grande to its headwaters, &c. &c. 

Detailed Prospectus on Application. 

No. 2. 



Edited with many critical notes by Dr. ELLIOTT COUES. 

2 voh,^ cloth ^ %vo, illustrated by 1% maps, portraits, and views, largely from rare unpublished 

drawings ami photographs, 258. net^ post free. 

This work, like No. i, is also now first printed from the author's original manuscript. It is rich in the 
inside facts of every-day life among the Indians at trading posts and forts of the great West in the early days. 
In a story of adventure of absorbing interest, Larpenteur tells us all about the Sioux, Crow, Blackfoot, 
Assiniboine, Arapahoe, and other Indian tribes. He has much to say about the methods and operations of the 
various great rival fur companies at various posts on the Missouri and Yellowstone Rivers. 

Detailed Prospectus on Application. 

No. 3. 




Missionary Priest 

In his travels through Sonora, Arizona and California 


Translated from an official contemporaneous copy of the original Spanish Manuscript, and edited 

with copious critical notes 


2 vols,^ cloth, 2vOj illustrated with 19 maps, facsimiles and illustrations, largely from rare 

unpublished drawings and photographs, 258. net, post free. 

This narrative of adventure has all the charm of novelty, for at the time of Garces' travels there was hardlj 
a white man in all the country described by him. Even at the present day the district traversed by him is 
probably the least known of all the vast territory of the United States. 

Detailed Prospectus on Application. 


Dr, Coties^ larger works on the Exploration 

of Western North America. 

No. I. 





&c. &c. 

New York and I^ondon, 1893 
4 vols, Svo, cloth uftct*t, {j>ut of Print) 

No. 2. 



IN THE YEARS 1805-6-7 
Reprinted in full from the original Philadelphia edition of iSlo 


New York and London, 1896 

3 vols. Svo, on fine laid book paper, binding, paper a7td typography uniform with 

Lewis and Clark. £2 Ss. net per set. 

Large Paper, 3 vols, on handmade linen paper, roy. Svo, boards, uncut, 

uniform with Lewis and Claris. £4 4s. net per set. 


No. 3. 






1 799- 1 8 14. 

Exploration and Adventure among the Indians on the Red, Saskatchewan, 

Missouri, and Columbia Rivers, 



New York and London, 1897. 

3 vols. Svo, on fine laid book paper, binding, paper and typography uniform with 

Lewis and Clark and Pike. £2 2s. net per set. 

Large Paper, 3 vols, on handmade linen paper, royal Svo, boards, uncut, uniform 

with Lewis and Clark and Pike. £4 4s. net per set. 

This is an entirely new and original work printed from the original manuscripts, and contains the daily 
journals of the au^or's travels, explorations, and adventures in the fur trade throughout the greater portion of 
British America and much of the United States west of the Great Lakes. 


^tantrartr ^ublm tion^. 



With comments on the earliest charts and maps ; the mistakes of the early navigators and the 

blunders of geographers ; the Asiatic origin of the Atlantic coastline of North America j how it crept 

in and how it crept out of the maps. 

By henry STEVENS of Vermont. 
JVew Haven and London^ 1869. Roy, Svo, neatly bound in cloth^ with the maps in 

a special pockety JBl 16s. post free. 

Of this elegant volume only loo copies were printed, all on hand-made paper. The Notes are illustrated 
by 16 photo-lithographic facsimiles of the earliest maps and charts of America. 


Bibliotheca Americana, or a Descriptive Account of my Collection of Rare Books relating to America 

By henry STEVENS, G.M.B., F.S.A. 
Londofi, 1862. 2 vols.^ foolscap Svo, cloth^ uncut ^ ZOb, post free. 

Describes nearly 3,000 rare books relating to America, with the titles given in full most accurately, 
with careful collations. 



By henry STEVENS of Vermont. 

London^ 1866. Royal Svo, about T^opages^ cloth, uncut, 1Q&. post free. 

Includes Mexican, Spanish American, West Indian, and Canadian Books and Maps; describing 

about 20.000 items. 
Printed by Whittingham on fine-toned paper, in the best style of the Chiswick Press. At the beginning 
are the rules for cataloguing Books, Maps, Music, &c., adopted in the British Museum, together with a 
detailed description of the classification of the books on the shelves. 


A Bibliographical Essay on the Stevens Collection of Books and Manuscripts relating to 

Dr. Franklin 
By henry STEVENS of Vermont. 
London, 1881. Imperial Zvo, on fine handmade paper, illustrated by five steel 
portraits and a facsimile of Franklin^ s celebrated letter to Strahan. • 

Cloth extra^ uncut, IDs. 6d. post free. 

Contains a most interesting History of the Franklin Collection sold to the American Government for 
;^7,ooo. Includes a List of 200 printed Books by or relating to Franklin. 


printed by Whittingham uniformly in black letter type similar to the Las Casas tracts of 1552. 

These tracts were printed from the original autograph letters in the possession of the late Mr. Henry 
Stevens. The first is by Diego Columbus, the second by Hernando Cortes, the third, fourth and fifth by Las 
Casas, and the sixth relates to him. 

Only 100 copies printed, all on handmade paper, and separately bound in paste- 
grained roan, uniform in appearance but of six colours, ^to. The Set of Six, 
£3 3s. post free, or 10s. 6d. each. Details sent on application. 


Or a bibliographical description of nearly one thousand representative Bibles in various languages, 

chronologically arranged, from the first Bible printed by Gutenburg, in 1450-1456, to the last 

Bible printed at the Oxford University Press, the 30th June, 1877. With an Introduction on 

the History of Printing, as illustrated by the printed Bible from 1450 to 1877, in which is told 

for the first time the true history and mystery of the Coverdale Bible of 1535. Together with 

bibliographical notes, ^and collations of many rare Bibles in various languages and 

divers versions printed during the last four centuries. Special edition, 

revised and carefully corrected with additions. Flavoured with a 

squeeze of the Saturday Review s homily on Bibles. 

By henry STEVENS of Vermont. 

London, 1878. Cloth, uncut, (8) -j- 152//., Zvo, 7s. 6d. post free. Large paper 

edition on Whatman^s finest handfnade paper, super royal 8vo, bound in half 

roan, uncut, 16s. Or bound in red morocco extra, by Bedford, very handsome, 

only 10 so done, £4. 4s. 

This large paper edition, bound by Bedford, having \^n produced under Mr. Stevens's personal direc- 
tion, he modest^ puts it forth as his model of what the manufacture of a modern book should be. {yide 
**Who Spoils our new English Books?" page 10.) 




Endeavoured by HENRY STEVENS, G.M.B. etc. 
Boston and London^ 1870. 167;/^, clothy uncut. 

Only a very few copies privately printed for presentation. Long since out of print. We occasionally 

meet with a secondhand copy, price about lOs. net. 



Printed at Oxford and bound in London in twelve consecutive hours, June 30 1877. 

By henry STEVENS. 
London : privately printed^ 1878. 16;;/^, y^ pp. On best handmade paper ^ 

illustrated^ blue roan^ 6s. post free. 

Most interesting account of the realisation of Mr. Stevens's conception that the work could be carried out 
in the time. His idea was cordially taken up by the Oxford University Press in honour of the Caxton 
Commemoration Exhibition held in London in 1S77. {^See " Bibles*' on the pre^'ious page.) 


Asked and by HENRY STEVENS or Vermont. 
London^iZZ^, Handmade paper, cloth, uncut, i6mo, 10s. net, post /ree {secondhand). 

This little volume was intended principally for gratuitous presentation to authors, the press, friends, and 
connoisseurs, for the purpose of eliciting their opinions on the subject. A ver>' small edition was printed, and 
only a few copies were offered for sale at the nominal price of 5s. It has long been entirely out of print, and 
for years we have only occasionally been able to supply applicants with second-hand copies secured at the sales 
of the libraries of deceased collectors, 

" A dainty brochure." — Bookseller. 

" Must be regarded as a volume which has not been spoiled." — Publishers' Circular. 

*' Mr. Stevens speaks with an authority which no publisher can affect to ignore." — Daily Telegraph, 

"Elegant little volume. The American publisher might learn much from it, if he would."— iVt*xt' York 
Daily Tribune. 


With a Bibliographical Appendage. 
66 //. cloth. Only 250 copies printed. London : printed at the Chiswick Press 
^ for the Author, 1879. Sfn. Svo, 2s. 6d. post free. 

The object of this little book was, in giving a history of the origin and working of the Universal Postal 
Union, to show that selfish and unnecessary- impediments have been thrown in the way of its success by the 
United States of America. 


Collected and Described bv HENRY STEVENS, 
Literary Agent in London of the Smithsonian Institution. 

Cloth extra. Privately printed by Charles Whittingham, Chiswick Press, Lo?ulon, 

1853. Fscap.Zvo. {Out of print.) 

This little Manual was prepared and printed for private distribution. It contains a list of about 7,500 
volumes of Standard English Books, and was designed to aid collectors in the choice of their English Books 
and Editions. The contents are given of the principal collected works, together with the dates of birth and 
death of most of the deceased authors. We occasionally meet with a second-hand copy at about 7s. 6d. 


or a word on printed Card Catalogues of old, rare, beautiful and costly books, and how to make 

them on a co-operative system ; and two words on the establishment of a Central 

Bibliographical Bureau or Clearing- House for Librarians. 

Neatly bound in roan. London : privately printed for the Author by C. Whitting- 

ham, Chiswick Press, i^']^. \bmo,bs. post free. 

Dedicated to the Librarian of the Future, whose Bibliography is to be as exact as his spelling. Extensively 
illustrated with reduced facsimile titles, and six sample Cards. 


Nos. I and II (all ever printed), Jan. and Feb. 1854. 

Large woodcuts, vii. and ^b pp. Svo. London, C. Whittingham, Chiswick Press, 

1854. %vo, 7s. Qd. post free. 
Only 100 copies printed ; withdrawn from sale in favour of the Nuggets. {See page 14.) 




A Catalogue of Books relating to the History and Literature of America, 

By henry STEVENS or Vermont. 

vi. and 273 pp,^ large paper, cloth, uncut London, sold by Messrs. Puttick &» 

Simpson, March, 1861. %vo,fi%, post free. 

This catalogue contains 2,415 lots with collations and numerous historical and bibliographical notes. It 
served as the model of the Maisonneuve elaborate Biblioth^ue Am^ricaine. 


Or a Catalogue of 5,000 Volumes of Books and Manuscripts relating chiefly to the History and 

Literature of North and South America, among which is included a large proportion of 

the extraordinary library of the late Henry Stevens, senior, of Barnet, Vermont, 

Founder and First President of the Vermont Historical Society. 

Edited, with an Introduction and Notes, by HENRY STEVENS, G.M.B., F.S.A. 

xvi. and 22^^ pp., cloth, uncut. Boston, H. O. Houghton &» Co., Rtver-Side Press 

Cambridge, 1870. ^vo, 6b. post free. 

Contains manjr important historical notes. The Introduction is written in Mr. Stevens's wittiest vein, and 
contains some particulars of the Stevens family. 



Taken from the Stevens Diggings in September, 1870, and set down in Chronological Order of 

Printing from 1490 to 1800 [1776], described and recommended as a 

Supplement to any printed Bibliotheca Americana. 

By henry STEVENS. 

Chiswick Press, London, October i, 1870. Folio, 7s. ^^. post free. 

Privately printed, iv. and 20 pages, describing above 1,350 works on America. Blue cloth extra, on thick 
handmade paper. 


Or a Catalogue of a Nine Days' Sale of Rare and Valuable Ancient and Modern Books, Maps, 

Charts, Manuscripts, Autograph Letters, et cetera, illustrative of Historical Geography 

and Geographical History, &c., very many relating to North and South America, 

and others to Europe, Asia, Africa, Australia, and Oceanica. 

Collected, used, and described, with an Introductory Essay on Catalogues, and how to make them 

upon the Stevens system of photobibliography. 


Part I (all ever published). Dispersed by auction by Messrs. Puttick and Simpson, November, 

Frontispiece, \\, \^, and '>fy\ pp., cloth, uncut. London, 1872. ^vo, 6^. post free. 

Describes 3,109 lots with a number of important historical, geographical, and bibliographical notes. 


A private pocket list of the incomplete or unfinished American periodicals, transactions, memoirs, 
judicial reports, laws, journals, legislative documents, and other continuations and works in pro- 
gress supplied to the British Museum and other libraries. 

By henry STEVENS, G.M.B., F.S.A., etc. 
Privately printed, London, ^fuly, 1873. i6/«<?, 4s. Q^. post free. 

Forty pages in pearl type, very beautifully printed by Messrs. Clay on thick handmade paper, comprising 
about 2,000 titles. 


Catalogue of the first portion of the extensive and varied collections of rare books and manuscripts 

relating chiefly to the history and literature of America. 

Sold at Sot hebfs, July, 1881. 22g pp., cloth, Svo, Sa. post free. 

Describes 1,625 lots, including the famous Henry Stevens Franklin Collection. Numerous bibliographical 
and historical notes. 


The borrower must return this item on ot before 
the last date stamped below. If another user 
places a recall for this item, the borrower will 
be notified of the need for an earlier return. 

Non-receipt of overdue notices does not exempt 
the borrower from overdue fines. 

Harvard College Wdeiier Library 
Cambridge, MA 02138 617-495-2413 

Please handle with care. 

Thank you for helping to preserve 
library collections at Harvard. 



, *